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THE 



Presidential Favorites 



A POLITICAL HAND-BOOK, 

CONTAINING THE PORTRAITS OF THIRTY 

AMERICAN STATESMEN, 

Together with their Biographies, and an Epitome of 

Every National Political Convention ever 

held in the United States. 



ALSO THE STATUS OF THE DIFFERENT POLITICAL PARTIES 

UPON THE QUESTIONS OF THE TARIFF AND 

SILVER, AND A HISTORY OF THAT 

METAL AS MONEY. 



WITH OTHER INFORMATION INDISPENSABLE TO EVERY CITIZEN. 



By BENJ. F. BABCOCK. 



-ION 3 



<2. 



WASHINGTON, D. C. : /aT>£ fl 

PUBLISHED BY / /* A . 



PUBLISHED BY 

CAMPAIGN PUBLISHING COMPANY, 

1896. 



COPYRIGHTED, [896, BY R. B. MERCHANT AND B. F. BABCOCK. 



PROM THE PRESS OF 

GEORGE l\ LASHER, PRINTER AND BINDER, 
N <' nth SI . Philadelphia, Pa. 



-* 



To the 

Patriotic Impulse which 

Prompts the Citizens of Our Country 

to Acquaint Themselves with the Lives of Our Public Men 

and Our National Politics, 

The Author 

Dedicates this Volume. 



-*- 



& <*> INDEX. & & 



PAGE. 

Title r 

I dedication. . . 3 

White I Louse 5 

Introduction 6 

Grover Cleveland 7 

Benjamin I [arrison 11 

Wiii. C. Whitney 16 

Levi P. Morton 21 

Adlai E. Stevenson 26 

Thomas B. Reed 30 

David B. Hill 34 

Win. 15, Allison. 36 

Jno. G. Carlisle 40 

.Matthew S. Quay 44 

Win. R. Morrison 50 

Wm. McKinley, Jr 52 

Claude Matthews 59 

C. F. Manderson 63 

Daniel W. Voorhees 68 

Shelby M. Cullom 71 

John W. Daniel .... 74 

Russell Alexander Alger 77 

1 1. Clay Evans 80 

Wm. F. Vilas 84 

Cushman K. Davis 87 

Win. L. Wilson 89 

Henry M. Teller 92 

Jno. T. Morgan 94 

Stephen 15. Elkins. 96 

Wm. M. Stewart 99 

Jas. Donald Cameron 103 

William V. Allen 106 

Wharton Barker 108 

W. 0. Bradley 114 

Epitome of American Polities, 
am 1 Sy in >psis of Political Plat- 
forms, 177.4 to 1896 117 

Attitude of Parties, 1896, upon 
the Tariff and Silver Ques- 
tions 138 

History of Silver as Money.. . 142 
Amount of Gold and Silver in 
the Principal Nations of the 
World, with Per Capita 
Amount of Money in Circu- 
lation. . t 45 

Value of Foreign Coins in U. 

S. Currency I4 6 

Electoral Votes for Presidents 
and Vice-Presidents, 1789 to 

lS 92 I 47 

Popular \ otc for Presidential 

ididates.from 1*24101892. 150 

Candidates for President and 
Vice-President since the 
Adoption of the Federal Con- 
stitution ]r-. 



PAGE. 

Electoral Vote by States, 1872- 
1892 156 

How President is Chosen, and 
the Law Governing the 
Counting of the Electoral 
Vote and Defining the Presi- 
dential Succession 156 

Number of Congressmen from 
each State since Formation 
of Constitution 160 

Governors of all States, Terms, 
Salaries, and State Capi- 
tals 161 

Brief Sketches of the Presi- 
dents of the United States, 
When Born, Inaugurated, 
Term of Service, Died, 
etc ... 162 

Vice-Presidents of the United 
States ... 164 

Presidents Pro-tempore of the 
United States Senate 164 

Speakers of the United States 
House of Representatives.. . 165 

Presidential Cabinet Officers.. . 165 

Justices of the Supreme 
Court 168 

Signers of Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, Where Born, Dele- 
gated from, Died 169 

Presidents of the Continental 
Congress, and Congress of 
the Confederation 170 

Naturalization Laws of the 
United States 170 

Constitution of the United 
States , . 172 

Origin, Settlement and Popula- 
tion of United States and 
Territories 1S3 

Population of United States, 
1790-1890 1S5 

White and Negro Population 
of the South by Decades, 
1790-1890 186 

Population of the United States 
according to Nationality 187 

Number of Dwellings and Fam- 
ilies in each of the States. . . iSS 

Nationality of Inhabitants of 
Largest Cities, 1890 189 

Requirements regarding the 

Registration of Voters 190 

Woman Suffrage 190 

The Ballot-box Reform Move- 
ment 191 




o 



42 



INTRODUCTION. 



IN writing the within pages, and compiling the sta- 
tistics in this volume, the author and editor has 
been actuated by a desire to give only facts. There 
will not be found any fulsome praise or flattery in the 
sketches given of our public men. 

The book is non-partisan, hence the author cannot 
indicate his choice. He believes the good sense of the 
American people will, as it has in the past, elevate to 
the Presidency and Vice-Presidency able and worthy 
men. There is little doubt but that the names and 
biographies of the men who will be nominated by the 
different political parties are here given. 

May the men win who will best guide the ship of 
State, and most faithfully serve the interests of the 
people during the next four years. 

The book is now launched upon the sea of public 
favor, and the author trusts it will merit the people's 
approval. 




Grover Cleveland. 



QROVER CLEVELAND. 

THE present President of the United Stales wis born in the county of 
Essex, State of New Jersey, March [8th, 1837. His ancestors came 
from Suffolk County, England, and settled in Massachusetts, early 
in the 17th century. Richard F., father of the President, was 
educated for the Presbyterian ministry, and in 1829 married Miss Neal, 
daughter of a Baltimore merchant, who was born in Ireland. 

Grover was christened Stephen Grover after the minister who occupied 
the pulpit at Caldwell, N. J., where the President was born. 

Grover Cleveland's educational opportunities were rather limited, con- 
sisting of a chance to attend the common schools and an academy at 
Clinton, Oneida County, New York, for a brief period. After leaving the 
academy he became a clerk for a year at one of the eleemosvnary institu- 
tions of New York City ; then he returned home, determined to go west 
to seek his fortune, and in May, 1855, with a companion, started for 
Cleveland, Ohio. Mr. Cleveland says he was attracted to that city because 
it had his name. On his way there he stopped at Buffalo, to visit an uncle, 
Mr. Lewis F. Allen, who used his best endeavors to dissuade his nephew from 
going farther. To make his arguments and entreaties effectual, he offered 
Grover a clerkship. As work was what young Cleveland desired, he of course 
wanted to stay, but declined to give positive answer until he consulted his 
young friend whom he had promised to accompany to Ohio. The young man 
promptly acceded to Mr. Cleveland's staying, saying he ought not to decline 
the proffered employment. Having determined upon the law as a profes- 
sion, it was not long before he made arrangements to become a student 
in the office of Rogers, Bow-en & Rogers. In 1859 he was admitted to the 
bar, passing most creditably a rigid examination. He continued with his 
preceptors four years, which gave him really eight years of thorough study 
and legal experience. He was then appointed Assistant District Attorney 
for the county of Erie, by C. C. Torrence, which position he filled for a 
period of three years. In 1865 he was nominated by the Democratic County 
Convention for District Attorney, to succeed Mr. Torrence, but was defeated 
by Hon. Lyrnau K. Bass. 

Mr. Cleveland formed a law copartnership with the late I. Y. Vander- 
pool, January 1st, 1866, which was continued until 1869. He then became 
a member of the firm of Lauing, Cleveland & Folsom. In November, i v ;o, 
Mr. Cleveland was chosen Sheriff of Erie County, a position he creditably 
filled. After this service he became a member of the law firm of Bass, 
Cleveland & Bissell. This was the strongest and brainiest law firm in West- 
ern New York, and at once commanded a very lucrative practice. In i.s.si , 
Mr. Cleveland was chosen Mayor of Buffalo, though it was a Republican city, 
the State ticket of that party carrying the city by an average majority of 
1,600 votes. Mr. Cleveland was elected Mayor by a very large majority, his 
fellow citizens feeling that he was the man needed to successfully stem the 
tide of ring rule and reckless expenditure. In the position of Mayor he 
attracted the particular attention, not only of his own constitueucv, but of 

9 



10 

the leading party managers of the State, notably, the late Samuel J. Tilden, 
and principally because of his vetoes of hasty and corrupt city legislation. 
Before his term of office expired as Mayor he was nominated for Governor, 
and elected over so able a man as the Hon. Charles J. Folger, Secretary of 
the Treasury of the United States, by the unprecedented plurality of nearly 
200,000, and a majority over all of 151.742 votes. 

The day he was elected he wrote his brother that he proposed " To make 
the matter a business engagement between the people of the State and 
myself, in which the obligation on my side is to perform the duties assigned 
me, with an eye single to the interests of my employers." 

The result of this determination led the rank and file of his party to 
believe the "coming man " was Grover Cleveland, and hence the National 
Democratic Convention, which convened at Chicago, July 8th, 1884, nomi- 
nated him, July nth, for President, and he was. elected, receiving of the 
popular vote 4,784,986, and a majority of 37 in the Electoral College. In his 
inaugural he declared his approval of the Monroe Doctrine, for strict economy 
in national expenditures, and gave recognition of the value of the Civil 
Service. The oath of office was administered by the late Chief Justice 
Morrison B. Waite. His Cabinet will be found in another portion of this book. 
During his Erst term as President, 18S5-89, he vetoed 115 out of a total of 
987 bills presented for his signature, 102 being private pension bills. 

At the National Democratic Convention, in 1888, he was again nominated 
as President, but was defeated by Benjamin Harrison. At the expiration of 
his term, March 4th, 1889, he removed to New York City, which he had de- 
termined to make his home, and resumed the practice of the law, arguing 
cases only before the United States Supreme Court. While Mr. Cleveland 
had, because of the very positiveness of his character, excited the enmity 
of many leading men in his party, he retained a firm hold upon the regard 
of the masses, who believed that, while sometimes wrong, he was most gen- 
erally right, and always honest, so that before the nominating days of 1892 
it bad become prc-determined that he should again be the Democratic stand- 
ard bearer. He- was nominated and elected over his old opponent, President 
11 irrison. In the nominating convention Mr. Cleveland received 617 out of 
908 votes; and in the Electoral College he had a majority of no votes over 
Harrison, Republican, and Weaver, Populist, and 132 over Harrison. The 
popular vote was 5,556,918 for Cleveland, 5,176,108 for Harrison, and 1,041,028 
for Weaver. 

His record as our present President is too recent to call for elaboration 
here. That he has excited the enmity of many of the leaders of his party 
by his attitude upon the silver question there is no denying ; but that he 
believes he is right and doing for the best interests of his country no one, 
Republican or Democrat, denies. He is a man positively firm in the main- 
tenance of his convictions, having a vast amount of the "by the eternal" 
of Gen. Jackson in his mental composition. He stands upon the money 
question i<>t the payment of every dollar of the obligations of the United 
States in the lust coin, which he believes to be gold. 

'mi June 2d, [886, he married Miss Prances Polsom, a daughter of his 
former law partner, Oscar Folsom, and is the father of three children, all 
girls ; his wife has contributed in no small measure not only to his happiness, 
but personal popularity. 




Benjamin Harrison. 



BENJAMIN HARRISON. 

GENERAL BENJAMIN HARRISON, of Indianapolis, was born at North 
Bend, Ohio, August2ist, 1833, at the house of his grandfather, Presi- 
dent Harrison, who was a son of Benjamin Harrison, one of the 
signers of the Declaration of Independence from Virginia. His 
early education was received at home, from a tutor employed in the family, 
and at the age of fourteen he was sent to Gary's Academy, near Cincinnati, 
where he remained abont two years. In the summer of 1850, he suffered 
the loss of his mother, and in the fall of the same year went to Miami Uni- 
versity, Oxford, Ohio, then under the presidency of Rev. W. C. Anderson. 
Here he entered as a junior, and in Jnne, 1S52, graduated fourth in a class of 
sixteen. After a few months' vacation he commenced the study of law in 
the office of Storer & Gwyuiie, of Cincinnati, where he remained two years. 
In October, 1853, he married Miss Carrie L. Scott, daughter of Rev. J. W. 
Scott, D. D., of Oxford, Ohio. Two children of this marriage survive — 
Russell B. and Mamie S. Harrison. In March, 1854, Mr Harrison settled in 
Indianapolis, with a fortune of eight hundred dollars, inherited from the 
estate of a deceased aunt, Mrs. Gen. Fiudlay, of Cincinnati. Here he first 
entered the office of John H. Rea, Clerk of the District Court of the United 
States, and while there was invited by Major Jonathan W. Gordon, to assist 
in the prosecution of the "Point Lookout" burglary case. This was his 
first jury trial. Governor, David Wallace represented the defense. When 
Mr. Harrison sat down, after making his argument, and the Governor pre- 
pared to reply, he paid the young lawyer a graceful and well-merited com- 
pliment. Soon afterward he was invited to form a partnership with William 
Wallace, and accepted. This connection proved very pleasant, and the firm 
did a prosperous and successful business. Shortly after entering this part- 
nership, Mr. Harrison was appointed by Judge Major to prosecute a case 
against a negro who was accused of putting poison in some coffee at the Ray 
House. He had but one night for preparation and no previous knowledge 
on the subject of poisons, but he sat up the greater part of the night, and, 
with the assistance of Dr. Parvin, acquired considerable information on toxi- 
cology, from several experiments for the detection of arseiiic in the coffee 
exhibited by the doctor. The result was the conviction of the criminal. In 
i860, his partner, Mr. Wallace, was elected Clerk of Marion County, and 
Mr. Harrison formed a law partnership with Mr. W. P. Fishback, which 
continued until he entered the army. In the fall of i860, Mr. Harrison was 
elected Reporter of the Supreme Court of Indiana. During his term of 
office he published two volumes of reports (XV and XVI ), and had nearly 
completed a third (XVII), when he entered the military service. A notable 
event in connection with the political canvass was his joint meeting with 
Governor Hendricks, at Rockville, Parke County, which was quite accidental, 
but in which the youthful orator acquitted himself in the most creditable 
manner. The joint debate is still remembered by all who heard it, and 
showed General Harrison to be an orator second in debate to none in the 
country. In July, 1862, Mr. Harrison felt it his duty to enter the army. 
Although a young man, holding a comfortable civil office, just starting in life, 
with a young wife and two little children, when Governor Mortou in asking 

13 



14 

him to raise a regiment, said some one else could be found to lead it to 
the field, Mr. Harrison accepted the commission but refused the proposition, 
saying that if he persuaded a man to go to the field he would be found 
there with him. lie raised and took the first company (A), of the 70th In- 
diana Regiment into camp, and in less than thirty days from the date of 
the first recruiting commission, was in Kentucky with one thousand and 
ten men. This was the first regiment in the field under that call. Gen- 
eral Harrison continued in the army until the close of the war, when he was 
mustered out as a brevet Brigadier-General. His regiment served in Ken- 
tucky and Tennessee, in the Army of the Cumberland, and was connected 
with a brigade commanded for a long time by General W. T. Ward, of Ken- 
tucky. In the Atlanta campaign, the brigade was attached as the First 
Brigade, to the Third Division of the Twentieth Army Corps, commanded 
by < '.cneral Joe Hooker. After General Butterfield left the division, Colonel 
Harrison was assigned to the command of the brigade, and continued in 
that capacity until after the surrender of Atlanta. Being then temporarily 
detached for othcrduty, he was, after Sherman's army marched from Atlanta, 
assigned to command a provisional brigade, and with that took part in the 
battle of Nashville and the subsequent pursuit of Hood, to Tuscumbia, Ala. 
Being relieved at his own request, and ordered to join his brigade at Savan- 
nah, he would have joined them there, but on his way was prostrated by a 
severe fever, which confined him to his bed for several weeks. Before he 
was fully recovered he started for Savannah, and the army having moved, 
was assigned to command a camp in which the recruits and convalescents 
were gathered. When Sherman reached Raleigh, Colonel Harrison joined 
his brigade, and accompanied them to Washington. Meanwhile, in the fall 
of 1S64, he was reelected Reporter of the Supreme Court, and was offered 
a place in the law firm of Porter & Fishbach, which then became Porter, 
Harrison & Fishbach. After Mr. Fishbach assumed the editorship of the 
Journal^ (xeneral Harrison remained with Mr. Porter, in company with Judge 
Hincs, the firm being Porter, Harrison &Hines. This firm was dissolved, and 
W. H. H. Miller became a member of the new partnership, under the firm 
name of Harrison, Hines & Miller, in which the General still continues. In 
1876, General Harrison was the unanimous choice of the Republicans of 
Indiana tor Governor, on the withdrawal of Godlove S. Orth. After a most 
exciting canvass he was defeated. Prior to the nominating convention he 
h id declined, but on the withdrawal of Mr. Orth, felt it tube his duty to 
respond to the imperious call of the people from all parts of the State. 

In 1880, he was Chairman of the Indiana delegation, at the Republican 
National Convention, when he cast the entire vote of the State for Garfield. 
The latter, when elected President, offered Mr. Harrison a seat in his Cabi- 
net, but he preferred to become United States Senator, to which office he 
!i id been elected. As a Senator he at once commanded attention, and in 
nition of his acknowledged ability was selected to serve on the more 
Important committees. 

In 1884, he was Delegate-at-I,arge to the Republican National Convention 
at Chicago, and in 1888, June 19th, was nominated in the same city, on the 
eighth ballot, for President, by the decisive vote of 544 delegates. The 
nomination was then made unanimous ; for President, he received 233 elec- 
toral volts, against [68, cast for Grover Cleveland. 



15 

Early in his administration trouble arose between this country and Great 
Britain, over the Bering sea seal fisheries, but which were happily settled 
by a Board of Arbitration, James G. Blaine, being Secretary of State. Early 
efforts were also made for the holding of a Congress in Washington of the 
Central and South American States, and a Pan-American Congress was held 
in 1889-90, resulting in reciprocal relations as to trade and commerce. 

During the first two years of his administration, six new stars were added 
to the American flag, the new States being North Dakota, South Dakota, 
Washington, Montana, Idaho and Wyoming. 

Commissioners under the direction of the Secretary of the Interior, 
successfully purchased a vast amount Of land from Indian tribes, with the 
result that Oklahoma was thrown open to settlement. 

In the spring of 1891, a difficulty arose in Louisiana, between the city 
government and people of New Orleans on one side, and Italian residents < u 
the other, which resulted in the killing of a number of Italians confined in 
prison upon the charge of murder. 

The Italian government promptly made demand for redress and in- 
demnity, in language peremptory in tone and almost offensive in manner. 
This demand was met courteously but firmly by the statement, that while the 
Government earnestly disapproved and denounced the action of the mob it 
could not recognize a national responsibility' for its results, unless it could 
be shown that its action was the result of connivance on the part of the pub- 
lic authorities of New Orleans ; and that the United States did not guarantee 
or become insurers of the lives of aliens ; that the courts were open to them 
as well as to citizens. 

The Italian Minister, Baron La Fava, withdrew, and the American Min- 
ister at Rome was given indefinite leave of absence. The matter was sub- 
sequently amicably adjusted. 

Mr. Harrison did all in his power by suggestion and executive direction 
to strengthen the United States Navy, and widened and extended the Civil 
Service. 

In 1891, he made an extended tour in the South, Southwest and 
to the Pacific coast. During this trip he made a great many speeches, 
and in so felicitous and happy a manner they not only pleased his audi- 
tors, but being reported in all the leading papers of the country, added 
lustre to his reputation as an exceedingly charming speaker, fertile in 
thought and expression. During his incumbency of the Presidency his 
beloved wife died, a victim to the social functions incumbent upon the wife 
of the Chief Magistrate of the nation. His two children survive, and his 
daughter, Mrs. McKee, is the mother of grandchildren who hold a very 
warm place in the ex-President's heart. He has declined to be considered 
an aspirant for the Presidency again, an act which only prevents his being a 
very formidable candidate ; for Mr. Harrison is a man of sterling honesty, 
conscientious in the discharge of duty, and as a legislator, President and 
citizen, above reproach. For personal and political integrity no man stands 
higher in the United States, and he is looked to as a natural leader ot the 
people. 

He united with the Presbyterian Church at Oxford, Ohio, in 1850, and 
since i860, has been a member of the First Presbyterian Church of In- 
dianapolis. 



WILLIAM COLLINS WHITNEY. 

THIS gentleman, who was born July 5th, 1841, is a descendant in the 
eighth generation from John Whitney, one of the leaders of the 
English Puritans who settled in Watertown, Mass., near Boston, in 
1635. His ancestors in the male line were men of exceptionally 
strong character, of indomitable will, with the courage of their convictions, 
and of prominence in the communities in which they lived. Among the 
number was Brigadier-General Josiah Whitney, of Harvard, Mass., who was 
active in the field during the Revolution, and a member of the convention 
which framed the Constitution for Massachusetts, as well as that greater 
assemblage which gave to us the Constitution of the United States. 

William C. Whitney's father was Brigadier-General James Scolley 
Whitney, who, in 1S54, was appointed by President Pierce, Superintendent 
of the United States Armory at Springfield, Mass., and in i860, Collector of 
the Port of Boston, by President Buchanan. Upon his mother's side his 
ancestry goes back to William Bradford, Governor of Plymouth Colony. 

Mr. Whitney was educated at Willistou Seminary, East Hampton, Mass., 
at Yale College, where he graduated in 1863, and at Harvard Law School, 
which he left in 1864. Like many another New England lad, he chose to 
locate in New York City, and there commenced to practice law. 

A young man to succeed in a great city, inviting as it does men of the 
keenest intellect, must have not only a well-equipped mind, but determina- 
tion, sturdy honesty, energy, tact — and the last is far from the least. All 
this equipment Mr. Whitney possessed, and so it was not very long before 
he was known as a rising lawyer and safe counsellor. 

He was a fearless lawyer, and in any case in which he was employed he gave 
all his time and talents to his clients. Added to this was a charming personality, 
which made friendships destined to be lasting. In 1871, in a critical period 
of New York City politics, he came into prominent mention by his activity 
in the formation of the Young Men's Democratic Club. In 1S72, his schol- 
arly abilities being recognized, he was made Inspector of Schools, and at the 
same time he became a recognized leader of the County Democracy. In 
1875, be was appointed Corporation Counsel for the City of New York, an 
office of vast responsibility, and requiring not only knowledge of law but 
high executive ability. In fact, that department was wofully behind in its 
business, as over 3,800 suits were pending, involving more than $40,000, 000. 
lie at once reorganized the department, making four bureaus, and in two 
more than doubled the annual amount of business disposed of, and at 
the same time lessened the expenses. 

II'- resigned in 1882, in order to give proper attention to his personal 
iving, in fact, retained office as a sense of duty and at great loss to 
himself. 

When Grovcr Cleveland, in 1S85, became President, he promptly named 
Mr. Whitney as Secretary of the Navy, and of all departments of the 

16 




William Collins Whitney. 



19 

Government, that was one that demanded new methods and the highesf 
order of executive ability. 

Mr. Cleveland evinced the highest wisdom in this selection, for when, 
four years later, Mr. Whitney gave place to another, he left a monument 
which will endure for ages, in a new navy created, which is, and always will 
be the pride of the Nation. 

He prepared, in his first report to Congress, a plan for the reorganiza- 
tion of that department of the government business, and it was afterward 
claimed, and not denied, that by the results which followed its execution, for 
the first time in the history of the navy, it has been possible to prepare com- 
plete statements by classes of receipts and expenditures of supplies through- 
out the entire service, and of the total valuation of supplies on hand for issue 
at all shore stations. He then proceeded vigorously to build a new navy, 
with which his name is, and always must be, indissolubly associated. He 
aimed to restore the prestige of our country as a naval power, and to make it 
independent of the rest of the world for supplies in case of war. Determined 
that American labor, ingenuity, capital and skill should furnish the material 
for our naval establishment, he declined to place contracts abroad forforgings, 
guns or armor plate, and it was through his entreaties that the Bethlehem Iron 
Works was induced to expend over four millions of dollars for a plant that 
would turn out armor and guns equal, if not superior, to those manufactured 
for any European power. Later, the Carnegie Steel Company erected an- 
other plant at a cost of four to five millions of dollars, thus making it possi- 
ble to complete battleships, cruisers and torpedo boats in as short time as 
any foreign nation, and at relatively the same cost. At the same time he 
induced private ship yards to undertake the building of naval vessels, with 
the result that at the present time the ship yards of Philadelphia, Newport 
News and San Francisco, can build ships that are acknowledged to be superior 
to those turned out by the great ship yards of Great Britain. 

European powers have no longer a contempt for our navy ; on the con- 
trary, they hold it in wholesome respect. 

In 1SS7 the real construction work of the rehabilitation of the navy was 
begun, and with such rapidity that in 1889, when Mr. Whitney left office, the 
vessels of the navy contracted for by him and completed, or in course of 
completion, consisted of five monitors, double-turreted ; two new armor- 
clads, the dynamite cruiser Vesuvius, and five unarmored steel cruisers — 
the Newark, Charleston, Baltimore, Philadelphia and San Francisco. 

The navy yards at Brooklyn and Norfolk, Va., had been put in shape to 
build steel war-ships and the navy yard at Washington, enabled tocastcannon 
of the largest caliber. He also contracted for a torpedo boat, and purchased 
the Stiletto for use in practice at the United States torpedo station. 

Senator Preston B. Plumb, of Kansas, a strong Republican, but a shrewd 
observer of men and methods, said in the United States Senate, in February, 
1889 : " I am glad to say, in the closing hours of Mr. Whitney's administra- 
tion, that the affairs of his department have been well administered. They 
have not only been well administered in the sense that everything has been 
honestly and faithfully done, but there has been a stimulus given, s.o far as it 
could be done by executive direction, to the best types of ships and the high- 
est form of manufacture, and more than all that, to the encouragement o( 
the inventive genius of our people and to the performance of all possible 



20 

work, not in navy yards -where they might be most surely made the instru- 
ment of political strength, but in private ship yards and manufactories, to the 
effect that we have got to-day enlisted in this good work of building the 
American navy, not only the Navy Department backed by Congress, but we 
have got the keen competition of American manufactories and the inventive 
genius of all our people, so that we may confidently expect not only the best 
results but great improvement each year." 

" I am glad to say that duriug the past four years the Navy Department 
has been administered in a practical, level-headed, judicious way, and the 
result is such I am prepared to believe and say that within ten years we 
shall have the best navy in the world." 

Returning to New York, Mr. Whitney devoted himself to his private 
affairs, but being consulted by his fellow-citizens upon all movements for 
his party or the public good ; and believing the best interests of the country 
demanded the renomination and election of Mr. Cleveland again to the 
Presidency, he headed the movement to that end in the Democratic Na- 
tional Convention in 1892, and proved himself a born leader of men and 
an expert organizer of political forces. It is generally understood and 
believed that Mr. Cleveland would have appointed him to any office within 
his gift, but Mr. Whitney resolutely declined any appointment, declaring 
that he preferred the honorable distinction of a private citizen. 

There is little doubt that Mr. Whitney could, if he desired, obtain the 
Democratic nomination for President, but he has definitely and positively 
refused to be a candidate, evidently preferring his present high place in the 
ranks, as the champion of Democratic principles and the highest political 
ideals, to any official position. He is an ardent believer in the probability of 
bimetalism being achieved through international agreement, and is giving 
much time and thought to that end. 

In iSSS Yale bestowed upon Mr. Whitney the honorary title of LL.D. 




Levi Parsons Morton. 



LEVI PARSONS MORTON. 

THIS gentleman, now occupying the Gubernational chair of the State 
of New York, was born atShoreham, Vt., May Kith, [824, and hence 
is in his 72d year. One unacquainted with this fact, looking at him 
physically and reading the product of his pen, or enjoying his con- 
versation, would not imagine him to be over 60 years of age. His step is 
elastic, his eyes bright and his judgment as keen as that of any man of middle 
age. He is a direct descendant of George Morton, of York, England, who 
was financial agent of the colonists who came over in the Mayflower. 

Three years afterward the good ship Anne landed George Morton at Ply- 
mouth, Mass., from whence he went to Middleboro, Plymouth comity, where 
some of his descendants still live. John Morton, son of George Morton, was 
the first delegate to represent his towu in the General Court of Plymouth 
Colon}'; elected first in 1670, he was again elected in 1672. 

Levi P. Morton, the subject of this sketch, is the son of Rev. Daniel 
Oliver Morton and Lucretia Parsons Morton. His mother was a descendant 
of Cornet, Joseph Parsons, who was father of the first child born at North- 
ampton, Mass., May 2d, 1655. His English title of Cornet denoted his posi- 
tion in a cavalry troop, it being the third officer in rank and bearer of the 
colors. Governor Morton received a public school and academic education ; 
entered a country store at Enfield, Mass., at 15 years of age and commenced 
mercantile business as clerk in Concord, N. H., in 1841. From there he went 
into similar employment at Hanover, N. H., in 1843. He removed to Boston 
in 1850, and to New York in 1854, and was extensively engaged in mercan- 
tile business on his own account in both cities until 1S63, when he entered 
upon his career as a banker, under the firm name of L. P. Morton & Co. So 
successful was this business, and such high rank in the financial world did 
his firm take, he not long afterward established a foreign branch under the 
name of L. P. Morton, Burns & Co. In 1869 these firms were succeeded by 
Morton, Bliss & Co., New York, and Morton, Rose & Co., London, England. 
Mr. George Bliss, who had been in the wholesale dry goods trade, and Sir 
John Rose, who was the Financial Minister of Canada, which position he 
gave up and went to London to conduct the business of the English branch, 
became the principal partners. Both of these great houses are still in ex- 
istence and take rank among the great banking institutions of the world. In 
1873 General Grant, then President of the United States, appointed Mr. 
Morton honorary commissioner to the Paris Exposition, and the Govern- 
ment made Morton, Rose & Co. financial agents of the United States abroad. 
In 1878 Mr. Morton was nominated by the Republicans for Congress ; and 
although it wasa strong Democratic district, and his competitor, B. II. Willis, 
the sitting member, was popular, he received 14,708 votes to 7,060 cast for 
Mr. Willis. In iSSohe was again elected by an increased vote over Jas. W. 
Gerard, Jr. In 1881 President Garfield nominated him as Minister to France, 
whereupon he resigned his seat in Congress to accept the appointment. 

23 



24 

August ist, 18S1, he presented his credentials to President Jules Grevy, 
and though the United States has universally been represented at the 
French court by men of large learning, varied attainments and profound 
statesmanship, when Mr. Morton resigned after the inauguration of President 
Cleveland, it was the consensus of opinion in this country and abroad that no 
one had ever more fitly represented our country. A good business man, a 
polished gentleman, a student in the best sense of the word, discerning and 
tactful, he met the diplomats of Europe on an equal footing and gained ad- 
vantages for his country which had been denied to his predecessors. Duty, 
to Mr. Morton, meant a watchful care of the political and business interests 
of the United States. Some of our products had been discriminated against, 
notably pork ; but Mr. Morton succeeded in having the prohibition removed, 
the governmental decree being signed November 27th, 18S3. The prohibi- 
tion was subsequently renewed by the French legislative body. He also 
secured recognition of American corporations, drove the first rivet in the 
Bartholdi statue of " Liberty Enlightening the World," and on July 4ih, 1884, 
accepted the completed work, on behalf of his Government. 

This statue, probably the largest ever constructed, is erected on Bedlow's 
island in New York harbor, and is one of the notable sights of the Metropolis 
and greets the incoming traveler of the sea, with its torch of liberty in its up- 
lifted arm. Returning to the United States, he devoted himself to his private 
affairs, until in 18S8 he was nominated for Vice-President by the Republican 
National Convention assembled at Chicago, receiving 591 votes, against 234 
votes for other candidates. In November he was elected to that exalted 
position, assuming the office March 4th, 1889. 

As a presiding officer Mr. Morton was preeminently fair and just in his 
rulings, affable and courteous in his manner toward opponents and friends, 
and however high ran partisan discussion he did not fail to remember that 
he presided over Democrats as well as Republicans, and was bound to do 
justly by each. In this trying position he won the plaudits of all ; and it is 
no exaggeration to say that no man ever sat in the Vice-President's chair 
who had wanner friends, or more of them, in the Senate of the United 
States. 

( )n his retirement from the office he was the recipient of a testimonial 
dinner, tendered on the signed invitation of every member of the Senatg ; 
this great honor was unprecedented in the history of that illustrious body. 

Mr. Morton's social life in the Capital was as popular as his official ; and 
his estimable wife ably seconded every effort to make their entertainments 
not merely asocial function but a pleasure for every guest. 

After retiring from the Vice-Presidency, he removed to his beautiful 
home, Ellerslie, on the Hudson, and probably relinquished all idea of future 
political honors. In 1893 he went abroad, and while in Europe the senti- 
ment in New York State in favor of his nomination became so strong it 
carried the leaders of his party before it, and at the State Convention, held 
at Saratoga, September 18th, 1894, he was unanimously nominated for Gov- 
ernor. 

He accepted the honor, and was elected by the unprecedented majority 
of over 156, 000 votes over David 15. Hill, United States Senator and Ex-Gov- 
ernor. Mr. Hill had hitherto been invincible; and with his slogan, "lam 

tnocrat," had always rallied his party hosts to victory. In Mr. Morton 



25 

he met his victor; and it is probably not too much i<> say, that the personal 
popularity of Levi P. Morton greatly aided in securing an overwhelming 
Republican majority in the legislature and the congressional representation 
of the State. Say what we will of the American public, we must admit that 
the man of sterling integrity, free from demagoguery, loyal to party and 
country, best succeeds in political life ; the people may once in awhile be 
swept off their feet, so to speak, by passion or prejudice, but the returning 
wave of reason lands the real patriot and statesman in the position of leader. 
The people knew they could trust Levi P. Morton ; they nominated him, 
voted for him, elected him. His term of office will expire on December 
31st, 1896, but before that time it is not at all improbable that the mantle of 
the Presidency will fall upon his shoulders. Mr. Morton is a liberal, broad- 
minded man and charitable, though unostentatious in his giving. Perhaps 
the whole story is best told by saying he is respected by rich and poor, politi- 
cal friend and foe. 



r - 



ADLAI EWING STEVENSON. 

THE present Vice-President of the United States was born in Christian 
County, Ky., October 23d, 1S35. He received his early education 
in the schools of the county, and, when qualified, entered Center 
College, Danville, Ky. When sixteen years of age he removed, 
with his father's family, to Bloomington, 111., where he studied law and was 
admitted to the bar. 

In 1859 he settled at Metamora, 111., where he practiced law, attracting 
the attention of the people of the county by his assiduity and strict attention 
to his business. Here he lived ten years, acting as Mastery in Chancery 
fonr years, and as District Attorney four years. 

It is only the truth to say that Mr. Stevenson proved himself, while at 
Metamora, an able lawyer, and had the confidence of all the people. 

His conspicuous ability as a speaker, and devotion to Democratic prin- 
ciples, won for him the nomination for Presidential Elector in 1S64, and in 
the campaign he made speeches in every county in the State, in the interest 
of (General McClellan, for President. 

At the expiration of his term as District Attorney, in 1869, he removed 
to Bloomington and formed a law partnership with J. S. Ewing. The firm 
soon enjoyed an extensive practice in the Federal and State Courts, and be- 
came recognized as one of the really great law firms of Central Illinois. In 
1S74, he was nominated by the Democrats for Congress; the district had 
been surely Republican by 3,000 majority, and his opponent was a noted 
orator and popular man, General McNulta. It seemed like a hopeless race, 
but Mr. Stevenson won out after an exciting canvass, during which personal 
antagonisms between the friends of the candidates manifested themselves 
in a decree unusual in Illinois. When the vote was counted Mr. Stevenson 
1 mnd to be elected by 1,200 majority. His term in Congress was during 
the celebrated Hayes-Tilden contest for the Presidency, Mr. Stevenson be- 
lieving then, as he believes now, that Mr. Tilden should have been seated. 
In 1S76 he was renominated, but was defeated. At expiration of his 
term he returned to Bloomington and resumed his law practice. 

In 1SS4 lie was a Delegate to the Democratic National Convention in 

Chicago, and upon the election of Mr. Cleveland to the Presidency, was ap- 

pointed First Assistant Postmaster-General. In this position he had charge 

of all appointments, and while, of course, those who were deposed said it 

was because they were Republicans, Mr. Stevenson and his friends assert 

that bis removals were for cause, and that he adhered strictly to the civil 

service law. When Mr. Harrison became President, March 4th, 18S9, Mr. 

.snu returned to Illinois, taking at his old home an interest in Demo- 

Lcs, and aiding by his counsel and speeches that cause. 

In iSc,2 Mr. Stevens, ,n wis a Delegate-at-Large from Illinois to the 

ic .National Con vent ion, and was there nominated for Vice-President. 

tbc canvass that followed he made m my speeches, and in November 

26 




Adlai E. Stevenson. 



29 

was elected for the term commencing March 4th, 1893, and ending March 
4th, 1897. 

Vice-President Stevenson is a Democrat of Democrats, and does not seek 
t6 conceal the fact, yet it is generally conceded that he is a fair-minded man, 
and not enough of a partisan to do an injustice to those who differ with him 
politically. As a presiding officer he gives satisfaction to Senators upon 
both sides of the Chamber. He has held one place in life by the grace of a 
Republican President, having been appointed by President Hayes, a member 
of the Board to inspect the United States Military Academy at West Point. 

In 1866 he married a daughter of Rev. Dr. Lewis W. Green, President 
of Center College, Danville, Kentucky. He has now living three children, 
one sou and two daughters. Since becoming Vice-President he has suffered 
the affliction imposed by the loss of a beloved daughter. 

Mr. Stevenson is a man above reproach in all his dealings with his 
fellows, and no one can assail his character. He is a good husband, father, 
frieud — a mau of integrity aud ability ; what more ueed be said. 



1 



THOMAS BRACKETT REED. 

A ¥ \UK present Speaker of the United States House of Representatives 
was born October iSth, 1839, in Portland, Maine. He attended the 
public schools of his native city until prepared to enter Bowdoin 
College, from which he graduated in i860, winning first prize for 
excellence in English composition. During the greater part of the next four 
years he taught school and studied law. Before he was admitted to the bar, 
he was appointed Acting Assistant Paymaster, United States Navy , and assigned 
to duty on a small gunboat, ironically called a " tin clad," named the Sybil, 
which patroled the Tennessee, Cumberland and Mississippi rivers. 

The Sybil's career as a war vessel was uneventful, and in 1S65 Mr. Reed 
was discharged from service, fighting in the West having ceased. He returned 
to Portland, Maine, and soon thereafter was admitted to the practice of the 
law. 

Young lawyers, especially those without influential and rich friends, 
figuratively speaking, have to do a deal of creeping before they can walk; 
in other words, have to wait a good while for clients with big fees. Mr. 
Reed, however, was fairly successful, and built his business upon the sure 
foundation of knowledge of the law, industry, integrity and devotion to his 
client's interests. In three years' time he had become so well known he was 
elected to the State Legislature, and in 1869 was reelected. In 1870, political 
promotion came in his election to the State Senate, from which position he 
passed to that of Attorney-General of the State. In 1873 he became So- 
licitor of the city of Portland, filling the office so successfully as to induce 
his political friends to nominate and elect him to the Forty-fifth Congress. 

While Mr. Reed is not given to the making of set speeches, and never 
talks for "buncombe," he came into prominence in the House and country 
earh 111 his membership by a speech against the payment of damages arising 
during the war to William and Mary College of Virginia. 

He took conspicuous part iu the proceedings of the committee to 
investigate the election of President Hayes, and more firmly established 
himself as a sound lawyer and indefatigable worker. 

That at least his constituents have high regard for his ability is evi- 
denced by his having been continuously reelected to Congress since 1876, 
and the further fact that the Fifty -first Congress elected him Speaker, and 
that no other Republican was mentioned or thought of for Speaker of this, 
the Fifty-fourth Congress. There is no doubt but that under our form of 
uncut the office of Speaker of the House of Representatives is the 
most important, after that of President, iu our country. The President can, 
e, suggest legislation, and can use the veto power ; but the Speaker 

u within his power, by the formation of committees and application of 
te rules, to influence always and generally modify legislation. 

ccd was one of the members when the question of Congressional 
1 National elections was under discussion, who upheld, in a speech, United 

30 




Thomas B. Reed. 



33 

States Marshals being appointed to be present at such elections. He has, 
in deference to his legal abilities, been Chairman of the Judiciary Com- 
mittee of the House, and was Chairman of the Committee that distributed 
the balance of the Geneva award. He had become a recognized national 
leader before the Forty-ninth Congress convened, for in the Republican 
caucus he received the complimentary vote of his party for Speaker, and 
again in the Fiftieth Congress. 

Mr. Reed evoked from the Democrats in the Fifty-first Congress a storm 
of angry protests because he counted members who were present on the 
floor and refused to vote as voting. The object in this was to prevent the 
defeat of legislation by filibustering, and if the rules adopted February 14th, 
1890, were rigid and a new departure, they certainly were considered some- 
what necessary, since in the Fifty-second Congress, which was Democratic, 
they were but slightly modified. In 1892 Mr. Reed was a delegate to the 
Republican National Convention, and received four votes for President. 

He is an avowed candidate for the nomination this year, and at the time. 
of this writing has secured many delegates. 

Mr. Reed has achieved considerable celebrity by his writings upon 
political and economic subjects. His style is free from ambiguity ; his com- 
mand of language is comprehensive, and he is terse. He prefers cold, solid 
facts to visionary flights and flowers of rhetoric. He has usually made the 
higher magazines the vehicles for his essays, notably, the Century, North- 
American Review, etc. He is a protectionist and against the free coinage 
of silver, unless it can be done by international agreement. Mr. Reed is a 
large, heavy-set man, with a big head on good, square shoulders. He wears 
no beard and is partially bald. 

He is of commanding presence and dignified in manner, though among 
his associates he relaxes and enjoys a good joke, which he can give or take 
as well as any other man. 

A strict partisan, he has among his particular and warm personal friends 
a host of Democrats. 

So far in public life, no breath of public or private scandal has assailed 
him, and no one doubts his ability or integrity. 



DAVID BENNETT HILL. 

THIS gentleman was born in Havana, Chemung County, New York, 
August 29th, 1843. He received his education in the common 
schools and academy of his native place, and after leaving school 
was obliged to hew his own way, not having the advantage of 
wealthy parents to push him along in the world. It is a rather remarkable 
fact that most of our eminent men have very early had to depend upon them- 
selves, and have mapped out their own careers ; so with the talented and 
senior Senator from the Empire State. 

He early in life became a clerk in a lawyer's office in Havana, where he 
made the most of his advantages by storing his mind with legal lore. In 
1863, he removed to Elmira, which has since been his home. There he 
studied law, and, in 1864, was admitted to the bar. The same year he was 
appointed City Attorney, which got him into politics, where he has been a 
power ever since. 

From 1868 on, he was a Delegate to most of the State Conventions, and 
helped in no small measure to shape the policy of his party. He was chair- 
man of the conventions of 1877 and 1881 ; a Delegate to the National Con- 
vention, 1S76 and 1884, at the latter of which Mr. Cleveland, whom Mr. Hill 
had served with as Lieutenant-Governor, was nominated for the Presidency. 
It is a rather remarkable fact that both should have been Mayors of cities in 
the same year, and both been promoted, and practically because of the same 
manly qualities — fidelity to the people's trust and independence of character. 
In 1870 and 1871, Mr. Hill was sent to the Legislature ; in 1882 made Mayor, 
and in the same year elected Lieutenant-Governor. When Mr. Cleveland 
resigned the Governorship, in consequence of his election as President, Mr. 
Hill became Governor ; in 1S85, was elected to that high office, and January 
21st, 1891, was elected to the United States Senate. 

As Governor, David B. Hill, made himself the leader of his party in the 
State, and there is probably no Democrat in New York, who has the masses 
of his party with him like the present Senator. 

In 1894, Mr, Hill, much against his own wishes, was nominated for Gov- 
ernor again, and was defeated by Levi P. Morton. It is unnecessary here to 
dwell upon the causes of that defeat ; sufficient it is to say that it does not 
reflect upon Mr. Hill. When the nomination was forced upon him, like a 
good soldier he obeyed and made a gallant fight. The conditions that 
existed in 1S94, may never occur again, and the slogan of Mr. Hill, " I am a 
Democrat," may reverberate among the hills and valleys of New York once 
more, and be the battle cry of victory. 

Senator Hill is a fluent and eloquent speaker, and does not hesitate to 
say what he believes. He commands in his speeches, not only the attention 
of the Senate, but of the country at large ; " they always have meat," and 
are the result of careful thought and study. As a Senator, he is upon seven 
committees. He is a member of the Judiciary Committee, because of his 
high legal attainments, that he is a good lawyer is evidenced by the fact 
that he was President of the Bar Association of New York in 1886 and 18S7. 
He is personally an affable, agreeable man; a man of excellent habits, and 
one -who keeps himself well informed upon all current topics, as well as 
politics and statesmanship. 

34 




David Bennett Hill. 



WILLIAM BOYD ALLISON 

WAS born in Perry, Ohio, March 2d, 1829, his father, John Allison, 
having removed to that place in 1S23, when twenty-five years of 
age. In the first quarter of this century Ohio was away out 
West, and most of the people who emigrated to the Western 
Reserve were no exception to the circumstance of being poor, and went 
west because land was cheap and fertile and to better their condition. The 
father of the subject of our sketch, was no exception to the above rule, and 
so William B., was bred like other country boys to hard work and plenty of it. 
He was sent to the little district school house at an early age ; but just 
as soon as he was big enough he was put to work, in the summer in the fields, 
and in the fall and winter did chores before and after school time. At school 
he was an apt scholar, especially in spelling and mathematics, and, after all, 
they are the foundation upon which, later, good scholarship is founded. 
Young Allison was fortunate in having as a teacher David Kimberly, after- 
ward a bishop in the Methodist Church. He encouraged the youth, and, 
better yet, his father, and gave a good deal of personal attention to the boy's 
studies, outside of the school house, and bespoke for him a future if allowed 
to employ his talents. So it was that at the age of sixteen, John Allison sent 
his son to an academy at Wooster, Ohio, where he remained two years, mak- 
ing the most of his opportunity. Then for one year, through the influence 
of good friends he had made in Wooster, he attended Allegheny College, 
Meadville, Pennsylvania ; but, as in those days there were no railroads in 
Ohio or Western Pennsylvania, he had to make the journey afoot, except 
at such times as an accommodating man, going his way, gave him a ride. 
At college he cooked his own meals and so lived very cheaply. 

When he left college he returned to Wooster, Ohio, and entered the law 
office of Hemphill & Turner. Here he partly paid his way by outside work, 
and in two years' time was admitted to the bar and entered upon the prac- 
tice of his profession. It was not a litigous community, and such clients as 
he got could not pay big fees ; so he concluded, with Bishop Berkely, that 
" Westward the star of empire takes its way," and west he would go. It was 
a wise conclusion, but before going he just as wisely took along a young 
wife, the daughter of the Hon. Daniel Carter. As a brother of Mr. Allison 
had settled in Dubuque, he, after stopping a short time in Chicago, then a 
city of only 50,000 people, went to Dubuque, which has been his home ever 
since. 

Before the bluffy city in Iowa, became Mr. Allison's home, he had been 
in a small way in politics. He was a Whig, and went as a Delegate, in 1855, 
to the State Convention that nominated Salmon P. Chase for Governor. In 
he supported the first Republican nominee for President, and before 
going to Iowa, had run for District Attorney in a Democratic county. "John 
Sherman, in his ' Recollections,' publishes a facsimile of a letter which Mr. 
Allison wrote to him, under date of March 23d, 1861, congratulating him 
on his election to the Senate. In this Mr. Allison referred, facetiously, to 
his early defeat, as follows : ' Republics are not so ungrateful as I supposed 
when I was defeated for District Attorney.' 

36 




William B. Allison. 



38 

"As soon as he became a resident of Dubuque, he began to interest him- 
self in Iowa politics. He had known Samuel J. Kirkwood in Ohio, and nat- 
urally became an adherent of the man since known in Iowa, as the War 
Governor. Mr. Allison was a Delegate to the State Convention which nom- 
inated Mr. Kirkwood in 1859. In ^60 he was honored by being sent as a 
Delegate to the National Republican Convention, the one which nom- 
inated Abraham Lincoln. He was selected to act as one of the Secreta- 
ries of that great gathering. His mastery of figures enabled him to play a 
rather interesting part in that Convention. He was the first to cast up the 
long column of votes and to announce to the presiding officer, sitting near 
him, that Lincoln had received the required number of votes and was there- 
fore the nominee of the Convention. 

" When Lincoln issued his second call for troops, during the summer of 
1861, for 300,000 men, to serve for three years or during the war, Governor 
Kirkwood thought of the sincere and successful young man whom he had 
known in Ohio, as well as in Iowa, He placed Mr. Allison on his staff, with 
the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, and gave him full authority to raise regi- 
ments in Northeastern Iowa and to equip them for service in the field. Mr. 
Allison entered on this work with great zeal. It was not an easy task. There 
were many difficulties to overcome, not least among which was the hos- 
tile attitude of those who opposed the war. He raised in all four regiments, 
two during the summer of 1861, and two during the early part of 1862." 

Following his services in raising regiments, Mr. Allison suffered from a 
protracted sickness. He had hardly recovered from that when he received 
the nomination for Congress from the old Third District. His work in rais- 
ing the regiments had made him known to the people of the various counties, 
and he went into the Convention with a good following, four other candidates 
contesting for the nomination. Up to i860, Iowa was credited with only two 
Congressmen. The census of 1S60, showed a remarkable increase in popula- 
tion, following the large foreign immigration to the State, as well as the 
immigration from the States farther east. By that census, Iowa became 
entitled to six Congressmen. The war Delegation in Congress from Iowa 
was one of great strength. Grimes and Harlan were in the Senate, and in 
the House were James F. Wilson, from the First District, Hiram Price from 
the Second, William B. Allison from the Third, A. W. Hubbard from the 
Fourth, J. B. Grinnell from the Fifth and John A. Kasson from the Sixth. 
They gave the young State immediate standing in the National Councils. 

Mr. Allison was the first man who saw the importance and the justice of 
the soldiers in the field being allowed to vote ; and there is no doubt but 
that their doing so saved a good many Congressmen to the Republican party, 
in a most critical period. 

Mr. Allison took his seat in the House on the 3d of December, 1863- 
James G. Blaine and James A. Garfield took their seats in the same House for 
the first time. The three men always remained warm personal as well 
as political friends. He was reelected three times, serving from 1863 
to 187 1. He declined a renomination in 1870, because he had contested with 
Jud^'c Geo. G. Wright, of Des Moines, for a seat in the United States Senate. 
Though beaten, he had his ambitions centred on that body, and his friends 
also thought it was his place. Two years later, he defeated James Harlan for 
the Senate, and has served ever since, being elected five times, an honor 



39 

almost unprecedented. In his second term in the House of Representatives 
he was placed on the Committee on Ways and Means, the most important 
committee of the Congress of the United States. As a member of the 
Ways and Means Committee, he opposed the Tariff Act of 1S70, wherever it 
proposed to increase the duties then existing. It being a war tariff, he pro- 
posed that some of the duties should be lowered instead of raised, and in 
this he was supported by most of his Republican colleagues. In the follow- 
ing session the Dawes reduction, of ten per cent., horizontal, was carried 
through both Houses, thus vindicating Mr. Allison's judgment. 

Mr. Allison has made a special study of our finances, and is accepted by 
Congress and the country as eminently sound, wise and conservative. He 
made two amendments to the Bland Silver Bill, which sought to bring about 
free and unlimited coinage. The bill had passed the House ; Mr. Allison 
believed it was fraught with danger ; his amendments completely changed 
the effects of the bill ; it turned its influence in exactly the opposite direc- 
tion. The two important features of the amendments were the coinage of 
silver on Government account, and the committal of the Government to the 
policy of the use of both gold and silver as coinage metals, looking to an ulti- 
mate international agreement as to a ratio of coinage. In recognition of his 
eminent service to finances, Mr. Allison was sent, in 1892, to Brussels as the 
Chairman of the American Delegates to the International Monetary Confer- 
ence held in that city. Mr. Allison acquitted himself there with great credit, 
and maintained ably the American contention for the use of both metals, 
gaining the respect and the admiration of the Delegates from the other 
countries. 

Mr. Allison is not a high protective tariff man ; but he has stood all the 
time for the idea of protection to American industries and adequate revenue 
for the economical administration of the Government. In closing a debate 
on the Tariff Bill of 1883, he said: " If we are to have a fair bill we must 
have some relation to the people who consume in this country. * * I have 
acted upon that principle, serving and endeavoring to protect fairly every 
industry in this country in every vote I have cast." 

Mr. Allison was a candidate for the Presidency in 1888, but failing to get 
the nomination his strength was thrown to Mr. Harrison, who was nomi- 
nated and elected. He has been twice offered a position in the Cabinet, 
once by Garfield and once by Harrison. James G. Blaine felt that Mr. 
Allison ought to take the Treasury portfolio, and so wrote to Mr. Garfield. For 
over thirty years he has been a power in our politics ; in it all he has main- 
tained a safe, conservative attitude. He is an intellectual man, the peer of 
any one in the Senate. His temperament, his habits of thought and study, 
make him a statesman, rather than a brilliant politician. This year he is 
again an avowed candidate for the Republican nomination ; and if nominated 
and elected, he will undoubtedly give the country a capable, honest admin- 
istration. Senator Allison's first wife died in Dubuque, in i860. In 1873 ne 
re-married, choosing Miss Mary Neally, the step-daughter of ex-Governor 
and ex-United States Senator, Grimes. She was almost an invalid when he 
married her, she having contracted the Roman fever abroad and from which 
she never fully recovered. He has survived her ; and it was because of her 
sickness, and the duty of devotion to her, that he refused the Secretary-ship 
of the Treasury, proffered by President Garfield. 



JOHN GRIFFIN CARLISLE. 

THE subject of this sketch was born in Kenton county, Ky., September 
5th, 1835. His fatherwas a farmer in rather limited circumstances, 
and had a large family, rendering it necessary that his son John 
should labor at farming during the working season, limiting his 
chance for schooling to the winter months. The character of the man 
was in the boy, however, and he made the most of his opportunities in the 
public schools of the neighborhood, and at home read with avidity in the 
evenings such books as came to his hand. After leaving school he was 
obliged to give himself entirely to farm work during the day ; but such was 
his thirst for knowledge, tired though he was, he sat up late at night study- 
ing and reading. From the earliest he was ambitious to get an education ; 
he wanted to know as much as the great men he read about, and realized 
that this could not be accomplished except through persistent application 
to books. 

With a retentive memory, natural ability and a sound body, he became pro- 
ficient in knowledge of those subjects to which he could gain access, and judg- 
ing by the character of his speeches and addresses, he must have had access to 
some of the English classics, for no man in public life uses purer english, 
or is less verbose. His sentences are always composed of words which ex- 
actly convey his meaning. When seventeen years of age, he began to teach 
school in a small country district. At this time he became ambitious to be 
a lawyer, and after school hours read law. Just as soon as possible he 
removed to Covington, Ky., just opposite Cincinnati, Ohio, where he taught 
school, and afterward entered the law office of Hon. J. W. Stevenson, late 
United States Senator, and W. B. Kinkead, afterward prominent in law and 
politics. In 1858, Mr. Carlisle was admitted to the bar. When a short time 
afterward he made his maiden speech in the Covington Court House, as an 
attorney, in a case which even his best friends considered hopeless, he sur- 
prised spectators, judge and jury, by his presentation of it and his mastery of 
the law affecting it. When he arose to speak he did not exhibit any of the 
nervousness usual with actors, clergymen and lawyers, when they first face 
an audience, that they feel will be critical. 

The confidence born of the knowledge that one knows what he is 
talking about, Mr. Carlisle had ; and beginning his address in a quiet, digni- 
: ■ d manner, using plain but well chosen words, he gradually warmed up and 
surprised every one by his forceful manner, well modulated voice, concise 
and logical argument. 

When lie finished, many crowded around and congratulated him ; and 
even the judge predicted for him a brilliant future in the law. This proved 
true, for within two years, it is said, he had the largest practice in the county, 
and the news had floated across the Ohio, to her metropolis, that John G. 
Carlisle was a safe man to intrust with the most difficult cases in the courts 
of Kentucky. 

40 




John G. Carlisle. 



42 

The distinguishing characteristics of Mr. Carlisle were then, as now, 
simplicity, earnestness, orderly arrangement of facts, use of language plain 
and simple, not liable to be mis-construed, for he is never ambiguous, 
quick comprehension of the facts in a case, and their logical array. He 
never uses twenty words when five will do as well, and he prefers calm, 
dispassionate oratory, to rhetorical display or word painting. Mr. Carlisle 
is always believed when he says a thing is so ; political and legal opponents 
may differ from him in his conclusions, but never in the honesty of his judg- 
ment. 

Besides this, he is always judicially fair, affable and just. As a Speaker 
of the House of Representatives, he had the sincere friendship and warm 
admiration of his political foes as well as political friends. 

The writer, in 1884, at Chicago, was told by a leading Republican mem- 
ber of Congress that, barring his politics, he would as soon have Mr. Carlisle 
for Speaker as James G. Blaine, he was so fair in his rulings. 

His natural ability and charming personality early made him friends in 
his party who were ready to push him forward, politically, so that before he 
had practiced law a year, he was elected a member of the Kentucky legisla- 
ture and served from 1859 to 1861. 

In 1864 he was nominated for Presidential Elector, but declined to run. 
In 1867 he was sent to the State Senate, and in 1868 made his first appear- 
ance in national politics, as Delegate-at-L,arge from Kentucky, to the Dem- 
ocratic National Convention, held in New York, and which nominated 
Horatio Seymour for President and Geo. H. Pendleton for Vice-President. 

In 1869 he was reelected State Senator, but before the expiration of the 
term was nominated for Lieutenant-Governor, whereupon he resigned as 
Senator and was elected, serving until 1877. In 1876 he was chosen alternate 
Presidential Elector-at-Large, and upon expiration of his term as Lieutenant- 
Governor was chosen to represent his district in the United States House of 
Representatives. He was reelected six times to Congress, serving one-half 
the time as Speaker. He became a member of the Committee on Ways and 
Means in the inception of his Congressional career, a distinction only accorded 
to those who are acknowledged as being peculiarly qualified for service on 
the leading committee of the house. 

He soon attracted the attention of the country by a very able speech on 
revenue reform, a subject to which he has devoted exhaustive study ; in fact, 
he regards this subject, finances and the revival of our merchant marine, as 
among the most important intelligent legislation. He is flippantly spoken 
of as a free trader, which is not true ; but he does not believe in a tariff 
which builds up trusts and monopolies, and enriches the few at the expense 
of the many. He rather believes in a tariff so adjusted as to be equitable 
and not burdensome ; providing sufficient revenue for the economical 
administration of the government. 

In December, 1883, he was elected Speaker over Samuel J. Randall, the 
most formidable opponent in his party and an extreme protectionist. It 
was a battle royal, within party lines, between high tariff and revenue reform. 
He gave such satisfaction as Speaker he was easily reelected in 1885 and 
1887. As a parliamentarian it is enough to say he ranks with Blaine and 
Henry Clay, his mastery of the rules being perfect. 

In the Forty-sixth Congress he made a profound impression by his sup- 



48 

port of what was known as the Carlisle internal revenue bill, defending 
it with such vigor that its most determined opponent had praise for the man, 
if not for the measure. 

The three per cent, bond bill he successfully carried through the 
House, though it was opposed by the Secretary of the Treasury ; it also 
passed the Senate, but was vetoed by President Hayes. 

In all of Mr. Carlisle's discussions of public questions he has taken the 
broad view of the interests of the people at large, believing that " he serves 
his part)- best who serves his country best." 

When James B. Beck, United States Senator from Kentucky, died, Mr. 
Carlisle was chosen to fill the unexpired term, but resigned to accept the 
portfolio of Secretary of the Treasury, when Mr. Cleveland was inaugurated, 
March 4th, 1S93. There hasbeen a great deal of discussion as to Mr. Carlisle's 
attitude on the silver question, it being contended on the one hand by cer- 
tain people in his party that he had become a " gold bug," and on the other 
that he was at heart a bi-metalist. 

The writer has no knowledge upon the subject not possessed by the 
country, and does not speak by authority ; but from an acquaintance with 
the man, begun in 1872, he has no hesitation in saying that Mr. Carlisle 
would like to see gold and silver on a parity and circulating side by side as 
money. Mr. Carlisle is a perfectly honest man ; a man of sterling integrity, 
and therefore believes that any kind of dollar issued by the United States 
should be as good as any other kind of dollar. 

As Secretary of the Treasury, he has administered the law as he found 
it ; his personal preferences have had nothing to do with the matter. Should 
he be elected President of the United States, he will administer the law as 
he finds it, without fear or favor, and undoubtedly obey the will of the people, 
as expressed in well considered legislation. That he will aid in every prac- 
tical endeavor to restore silver to a parity with gold upon some agreed ratio 
that can be maintained, there is no doubt. 

January 15th, 1857, Mr. Carlisle married Miss Mary Jane Goodson 
daughter of Major John A. Goodson, of Covington, Ky. In every sense of 
the word she has been his helpmate, and his home life has been most happy. 

The surviving children are Wm. Kinkead and Lilbon Logan, both men 
of prominence in the law. The former practices in Chicago, and was coun- 
sel to the Columbian Exposition ; the latter is now Chief Clerk of the 
Treasury Department. 



MATTHEW STANLEY QUAY. 

MATTHEW STANLEY QUAY, the Junior Senator from Pennsylvania, 
like the present President, Grover Cleveland, is the son of a min- 
ister of the gospel. It is not asserting a truth too broadly to say 
that Mr. Quay is the most astute politician in this country, the 
best controller and manipulator of large bodies of men, and the man of all 
men who correctly interprets public opinion and molds the sentiment of 
the masses to his own views. Far-seeing, vigilant, determined, calm and 
unruffled amidst the angry moods of political tempests, he is like the trained 
navigator on the stormy deep who skilfully pilots his craft to port, a captain 
never wrecked, saving not only himself but his political friends. 

Men like to obey his political mandates, not merely because he is a 
master of the art, but because those to whom he professes friendship know 
they can depend upon that faithful quality in every emergency. 

In estimating a man's character and determining its true quality, cog- 
nizance must be had of his home life ; his every-day standing with his im- 
mediate neighborhood. If his home has an atmosphere of love, his wife 
being his truest companion, and his children believe he is the best father 
and friend in the world, while his neighbors, rich and poor, Christian and 
sinner, political friend or foe, sincerely admire his neighborly qualities, 
and believe his word is as good as his bond, it may be depended upon that 
such a man is true and honest in whatever sphere of life his work lies. 

The writer, before attempting this sketch, visited Beaver and talked 
with many of his neighbors who had known him for years, and whether 
Democrat or Republican, was questioned, the replies were : Mr. Quay is 
an honest man, a good friend and neighbor, and loves and is beloved by his 
family. 

In 1710, three brothers from the Isle of Man, off the coast of England, 
came to America and settled in Canada. Believing that Pennsylvania was a 
better field than Canada, in 17 15 one of the brothers settled in what is now 
Chester county. From this brother sprang the Quay family in the State of 
Pennsylvania. 

Joseph Quay, the grandfather of the Senator, was the eldest son of the 
man bearing the same name, who, in the early part of the eighteenth 
century, first made his home in the Keystone State. 

It is a matter of record that this second Joseph Quay, was a strong man 
intellectually and physically, combined with qualities of bravery that led 
him to serve his country in the Revolutionary War and that of 1812, he 
being among the first to enlist. He married the daughter of a gentleman 
named Anderson, of Scotch-Irish descent, and to this couple was bom 
Anderson Beeton Quay, who naturally became a Presbyterian minister, and 
who for many years of his life ministered to congregations in Western 
Pennsylvania. Matthew Stanley Quay was born in Dillsburg, York county, 
September 30th, 1833, and the foundation of his education was laid at the 

44 




Matthew Stanley Quay. 



46 

academies of Beaver and Indiana, from whence he entered Jefferson College, 
graduating with distinction at the age of seventeen. When Mr. Quay was 
six years old his parents moved to Pittsburg and afterward to Beaver, his 
present home. 

Graduating in 1850, he traveled, taught school, lectured and then studied 
law in the office of the present Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Hon. 
James Sterrett. With literary inclinations, he soon after graduating resolved 
to establish a Union paper in Louisiana ; but his mother persuaded him to 
abandon the idea. Anti-slavery agitation was then at its height, and it is 
more than probable that had he persisted in the idea, his press would have 
been destroyed and himself subjected to personal indignities. 

Before he finished his law studies he was seized with the "Southern 
fever," and located in Texas. There he lectured for awhile, then went to 
teaching school in Colorado township. 

At that time the Indians were troublesome, forcing him to close his 
school. Money was a scarce article, but with what little he had he bought a 
rifle and a pony, and started for Austin to join a regiment of mountain 
rangers, organized for service against the Indians. Reaching the Capital, he 
found that the Legislature had failed to pass the bill for the organization of 
the regiment and its payment. 

Colonel Glenn, in his admirable sketch of the Senator, says : " This was 
his first experience in the uncertainties of legislation. He has had many 
since, but none more serious to him." Selling his outfit, he returned to his 
home in Beaver county, and resumed the study of law with R. P. Roberts, 
and was admitted to the Bar in 1854, ten days after he had reached the age 
of twenty-one. The following year he was appointed Prothonotary of 
Beaver county, to which office he was elected in 1856 and again in 1859. 
The war of the Rebellion coming on, he resigned his office and enlisted in 
1861, in Company F, Eleventh Pennsylvania Reserves, but was soon made 
First Lieutenant. 

Before the Reserves were ordered into active service, Governor Curtin 
recognizing Ins ability, appointed him Commissary General upon his staff 
with the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, and he was called to Harrisburg, where 
his great capacity for handling men, meeting the emergencies that arose and 
surmounting the obstacles presented, together with his capacity for work 
and mastery of the details of organization for active service of the troops, 
won the enconiums of officers and men and the esteem of the authorities. 

Camj) Curtin, in those days, had centered upon it the eyes of the State, 
and it is safe to say that no man connected with organizing and sending 
forward troops that there rendezvoused was more popular or labored harder 
for the public weal. 

When the military staff was abolished, Governor Curtin wisely appointed 
the young man from Beaver his Private Secretary. But Mr. Quay desired to 
be at the front, the place of danger being to his mind the place of duty ; so 
when the One Hundred and Thirty-Fourth Pennsylvania Infantry- needed a 
Colonel, he was appointed and assumed command early in August, 1862, 
and on the 30th of that month made a forced march to the front. Colonel 
Quay in those days was a rather frail, delicate man, and he had overtaxed his 
physical ability. He was seized with a severe illness, from which he arose 
too soon and joined his regiment. 



Eminent surgeons foreseeing that he could not possibly stand the ex- 
posure incident to camp life, urged, and insisted upon, his resigning. It 
■was reluctantly accepted, and he was on the eve of leaving for home when 
it was decided by General Burnside to fight the battle of Fredericksburg. 

No longer an officer in the army, and, of course, unable to command his 
regiment, he volunteered as an aid upon the staff of General Tyler. 

In General Tyler's official report of the fight, he thus speaks of Colonel 
Quay's services : 

"Colonel M. S. Quay, late of the One Hundred and Thirty-fourth, was 
upon my staff as a voluntary aide-de-camp, and to him I am greatly indebted. 
Notwithstanding his enfeebled health, he was in the saddle early and late, 
ever prompt and efficient, and especially so during the engagement." 

" It is told of him that when he went into the fight he was all ready to 
start home, and that his men had sent considerable money by him to friends 
and kindred in Pennsylvania ; but so intent was he upon going into the 
fight with the regiment, his health had forced him to leave just upon the 
eve of the battle, that when General Tyler accepted his services as a staff 
officer he forgot money and all else, and went into the action with it upon 
his person." 

That Colonel Quay proved his personal courage upon the battlefield is 
proven by the unusual distinction of a Congressional medal. Upon his return 
to Harrisburg, Governor Curtiu appointed him Military State Agent at 
Washington, a position unusually hard to fill, owing to its great responsibil- 
ity and labor. 

When Governor Curtin, early in the Rebellion, said, " that no soldier of 
Pennsylvania killed in battle should be buried off her soil," he meant it, and 
thereupon devised a plan for the watchful care of the sick and wounded and 
the forwarding of the dead to their late homes. The State Agent at Wash- 
ington, therefore, had his hands full, as the saying goes, for he had a general 
care of all the soldiers of the State in the camp, field and hospitals. 

There are thousands of old soldiers in the State who will never forget 
his watchful care, his kindness and his sympathy ; all this work, full of detail, 
Colonel Quay performed while in feeble health. 

In 1863 the office of Military Secretary was created, and Governor Curtin 
appointed him to that position, realizing fully the untiring energy and intel- 
ligence of his former Private Secretary. In addition to the duties of that 
position, Colonel Quay assumed those of Superintendent of Transportation 
and Telegraph, made vacant by the death of Colonel Sees. 

In 1864, Washington and Beaver counties elected him to the Legisla- 
ture, and in 1865 he resigned as Military Secretary and was made Chairman 
of the Committee on Ways and Means, an unusual honor to bestow upon a 
new member. During that session the law was passed that exempted real 
estate from taxation for State purposes. Many other acts of importance 
bore the impress of his intelligent action. 

Governor Curtin always admitted that Colonel Quay was an invaluable 
aid to him as Governor, and as a soldier and civilian he won distinction, and 
in those troublous days he was known as a bold fighter and a faithful friend. 

In 1868, as Secretary of the Republican State Committee, he displayed 
those qualities of organization that have since made him the greatest politi- 
cal general of the century. 



48 

Colonel Quay always had a taste for journalism, and in 1869 established 
a paper named the Beaver Radical. 

He gave no notice of its appearance, and at its first issue did not have a 
single subscriber ; but he conducted it with such ability it soon had a State 
reputation and a large patronage. Editor Quay was a success and his edi- 
torial opinions were quoted far and wide. 

When General John F. Hartrauft was nominated for Governor it was 
made a signal for the enemy to assault the whole line ; and if Colonel Quay 
had not come to the rescue, and by matchless organization and generalship 
put the Republican forces in fighting shape, it is exceedingly doubtful 
whether the Republicans could have carried the State. 

Hartrauft, elected, he appointed Quay Secretary of State, which office 
he held until appointed Recorder of the City of Philadelphia. After he 
resigned that office Governor Hoyt appointed him Secretary of State again. 
He was Chairman of the Republican State Committee in 1878-79, Delegate- 
at-Large to the National Republican Conventions in 1S72, 1876, 1880, 1884 
and 1S92. 

In 1885 the Democrats and disaffected Republicans determined to down 
the Colonel and relegate him to private life. He accepted the gauge of 
battle, went before the people and was elected State Treasurer by over 
50,000 majority, the largest ever given up to that time. While State Treasurer 
he was elected by the Legislature of 1887, United States Senator to succeed 
Hon. John I. Mitchell. At the expiration of that term he was reelected to 
serve the term 1893-99. 

In 1888 Senator Quay was Chairman of the Republican National Com- 
mittee and ex-officio Chairman of the Executive Committee. 

In that campaign he exhibited phenomenal powers of leadership and 
won recognition as the most astute, clear-headed and withal boldest, political 
leader in the Union. As a political leader Senator Quay is as astute, calm 
and determined as the (late S. J. Tilden, with vastly greater audacity and 
courage. No Rubicon halts this political Caisar. He comes, he looks, he 
conquers. 

There is hardly an intelligent man in the country who will not say that 
Matthew S. Quay won the battle for Benjamin Harrison. 

When he retired from the National Republican Committee the follow- 
ing resolution was passed : 

Resolved, That we accept against our own judgment and much doubt as 
to the wisdom and expediency of it for the party's interests, the action of 
Senator Quay in his resignation as Chairman and member of the National 
Committee. In submitting to it, we desire to express, from our own knowl- 
edge of the facts of preeminent service to the party, our sense of deep obli- 
gation under which he has placed the Republican part}-, and the cause of 
good government and patriotism. He undertook the leadership of a doubt- 
I'.il contest, at a time when the Republican party was disheartened and the 
Democratic party confident, in the power of supreme control in the govern- 
ment of the nation, when the odds of the contest were against our party, and 
by his matchless power, his unequaled skill in resources and his genius to 
command victory, won for his party an unprecedented victory in the face of 
expected defeat. We know, as no one else can know, that the contest 
which he waged was one of as much honor and fair methods, as it was of 
in vincible power and triumphant victory, and that it was won largely by the 
power of his superior generalship and unfailing strength as a political leader. 



49 

Hon. J. S. Clarkson, of Iowa, who was elected Chairman to succeed 
Senator Quay, on November 23, 1891, made eulogistic speech, which de- 
serves and will always receive conspicuous space in the annals of political 
history. 

In it he not only bore testimony to Senator Quay's matchless leadership, 
but to the manly and fair way he fought his political battles ; in effect sav- 
ing, that which all well-posted public men know, that while a great tactician 
he is not a trickster ; not only a politician but a diplomat and a statesman. 

Of his work in the Senate the public know. He largely helped to make 
the McKinley tariff bill a law ; and when, in 1S94, the Democratic majority 
in the House and Senate, tried to force through the Wilson bill, he effectually 
blocked its passage by his famous speech, commenced on the 14th of April 
and concluded June 16th. By this, he forced amendments which in a 
measure protected the manufacturing interests of Pennsylvania and other 
States. Had the Democratic Senators persisted in passing the bill as it left 
the House, Senator Quay, under the rides of the Senate, would have talked 
to the end of the session. He took the leading part in the legislation which 
led to the closing of the World's Fair on Sunday, and has uniformly advocated 
morality in political action. 

In the summer of 1895, he fought a political fight within his own part)-, 
and despite the fact that the State Administration and the leading politicians 
of the great cities of his State were against him, he routed the combined 
forces, " foot, horse and dragoon." He appealed to the people, to the rank 
and file of the part}-, and as always before, they rallied to his banner, on 
which defeat had never been inscribed. This last victory attracted the at- 
tention of the whole country, as no other State battle ever did ; and as in it 
he declared for clean, good government, especially for municipalities against 
rings and the corrupt use of money in politics, he has the sentiment of the 
best people with him. 

Senator Quay lives in a fairlv commodious, red brick house, in the quiet 
borough of Beaver, surrounded by his wife and five children. His life at home 
is unostentatious, and all his social relation's are of the pleasantest character. 

He is a member of the Grand Army of the Republic and the Loyal Legion. 

A man who has been in as many political battles as he has, who never 
refuses to fight when forced, has of necessity more or less political enemies 
inside, as well as outside of his party. 

He pays no attention to vituperation, but calmly and fearlessly goes his 
way, serene in the consciousness that time will vindicate and justify his 
action. 



WILLIAM RALLS MORRISON. 

MR. MORRISON was born in Monroe count}-, 111., September 14th, 
1825. He received his early education in the neighboring schools, 
and entered McKendree College, where he graduated in the class- 
ical course. He then studied law, was admitted to the bar, and 
practiced his profession, obtaining a fairly lucrative practice. In a short 
time, 1852, he was elected Clerk of the Circuit Court of Monroe county, 
serving until 1856. From 1857 to 1S60, he served in the Legislature of the 
State, the last term, 1859-60, as Speaker of the House. When the warca-me 
on lie organized the Forty-ninth Illinois, Infantry Volunteers, having had 
service as a soldier in the Mexican War. At Fort Donaldson, he was 
wounded, and while still in command of his regiment, was nominated by 
the Democrats of his district and elected to the Thirty-eighth Congress, 
1863 to 1865. He was defeated for the Thirty-ninth and Fortieth Congresses, 
but was again chosen in 1S73, serving continuously until 1887. In 1886, he 
was an unsuccessful candidate for reelection. He was a Delegate to the 
National Union Convention in 1866 and to the Democratic Convention in 
1868. Mr. Morrison, has been known for years as a pronounced "free 
trader." He has made special study of the tariff question, and in, 1884, 
while Chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, introduced a tariff 
measure, which made a horizontal reduction of all duties upon imports, ex- 
cepting some articles, which were to be free. The bill came within four 
votes of passing the House of Representatives. He was very instrumental 
in making John G. Carlisle, Speaker of the House, in the Forty-eighth Con- 
gress ; and during his entire term of service never omitted an opportunity 
to press tariff reform. In the Democratic National Convention of 1884, Mr. 
Morrison was Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions. 

When he retired from Congress, President Cleveland appointed him a 
member of the "Inter-State Commerce Commission," upon which he is 
still serving. 

It is generally understood that the Illinois delegation will press him be- 
fore the Democratic National Convention for the nomination for President 
of the United States. 

lie- is, and always has been, a bi-metalist, but from recent interviews, 
it would seem that he believes, free coinage of silver can only be success- 
fully brought about by international agreement, or, in other words, that the 
commercial nations must agree upon a ratio, in order to keep the metals at 
-1 parity. 

lie is a common, plain man, accessible to all, of good ability, and clean 
his character ami public service; he has many of the elements of pop- 
ular strength. 

50 




Wm. R. Morrison. 



WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY was born on January 29th, 1843, at Niles, 
Trumbull Count}-, O., where his father was interested in one of 
the early iron furnaces of that section. He was educated in the 
common schools and at the Poland Academy, and in i860, at the 
age of seventeen, entered Allegheny College. Taking sick early in the 
term, he returned home, and that winter, following the example of so many 
great Americans, taught a country school near Poland. His duties ended in 
April, 1861, and it was his intention to go back to Allegheny College that 
fall. But while this young country boy had been teaching his little school, 
great and portentious events were transpiring. Secession was trying to dis- 
member the Union. The young teacher had scarcely laid aside his books 
when the roll of Sumter's guns summoned the people to arms. A new 
school opened its doors to the youth of the North— the grim school of war. 

Abraham Lincoln called for soldiers to defend the Union and the flag. 
Ohio's response was a ready one. In June the Twenty-third Regiment of 
Ohio Volunteers was organized at Columbus. Its first Colonel was William 
S. Rosecrans, afterward Major-General and Commander of the Department 
of the Cumberland. Its Lieutenant-Colonel was Stanley Matthews, who be- 
came United States Senator and Justice of the Supreme Court. Its Major 
was Rutherford B. Hayes, later thrice Governor of Ohio, and President of the 
United States. There were famous names on the roster of the Twenty- 
third Ohio Volunteers, and there marched in the ranks of Company E, 
knapsack on his back and musket on his shoulder, an eighteen-year-old pri- 
vate, in a new suit of blue, whose name was William McKinley. 

The regiment was hurriedly mustered in and trained, and sent to West 
Virginia. For fourteen months the young soldier served in the ranks — one 
of hundreds of thousands of privates who marched and toiled and fought 
and made the Major-Generals famous. But they saved the Union. Every 
duty of a private soldier William McKinley performed. He shouldered the 
musket and carried the knapsack, and in camp and on the march, on picket 
and in battle, bore his part. 

In West Virginia, the Twenty-third fought under Rosecrans and McClel- 
lan. Private McKinley, saw his first battle when Rosecrans defeated Floyd, 
at Carnifex Ferry. After the West Virginia campaign the regiment joined 
the Army of the Potomac and fought under McClellan. At Antietam and 
South Mountain, the young soldier saw war in its grimmest aspect. After An- 
tietam, he was promoted to Second-Lieutenant, and exchanged the musket 
for the sword. Just previous to this promotion, however, he had been made 
Commissary-Sergeant. 

Remembering the oft-published item that he resembles Napoleon, the 
Governor one day said to an interviewer: "I never was a corporal;" he 
does not stem to think highly of Napoleonic resemblances. 

Subsequent promotion came— to First Lieutenant and Captain— and he 
served 011 the brigade and division staff of General R. B. Hayes, part of the 

52 




William McKinley. 



55 

lime as Aide-de-Camp. Then he was detailed as Acting, Assistant Adjutant- 
General, on the staff of General George Crook, and was with Sheridan, in his 
great campaign through tire Shenandoah Valley. He was at Winchester, 
Cedar Creek, Fisher's Hill, Opequan, Kernstown, Cloyd Mountain and 
Berryville, and all the other battles and skirmishes of that eventful time. 

Did he do any fighting? Well, we have General Sheridan's testimony 
on that point. He found the young Major rallying the troops at Cedar Creek, 
the morning of his famous ride from Winchester, and tells of it in his .Me- 
moirs. Then his horse was shot under him at Berryville. One of the most 
cherished of his possessions is a document, worn and time-stained now. It 
is his commission as Brevet Major of the United States Volunteers, given in 
1S64, " for gallant and fneritorious services at the battles of Opequan, Cedar 
Creek and Fisher's Hill," and it is signed "A. Lincoln." 

Mr. McKinley remained in the army until after Appomattox, when he 
was mustered out and returned to the duties of civil life. It is but fair to 
say, however, that he returned reluctantly ; he had imbibed a liking for 
army life, and but for his father's persuasions he would have taken a com- 
mission in the regular army. 

He studied law with Charles E. Glidden and David Wilson, of Mahoning 
county, took a course at the Albany (N. Y.) Law School, and in 1S67, was 
admitted to the bar, and located at Canton, Stark county, since his home. 
Two years later he ran for Prosecuting Attorney of the count}-. Stark 
county was Democratic, but McKinley was elected and served two years. 
He ran for reelection, but fell short by forty-five votes when bis State ticket 
was beaten over six hundred. Meanwhile he became active in politics. He 
took the stump for his party, and soon made himself a power among the 
people. In 1876, he was proposed as a candidate for Congress. The sitting 
Congressman, L. D. Wood worth, of Mahoning, Judge Frease and several 
other Republicans, three of them from his own county, were opponents for 
the nomination. In Stark county, delegates to the Congressional convention 
were elected by a popular vote ; McKinley carried every township in the 
county but one, and that had but a single delegate. In the other counties 
he was almost equally successful, and the primaries gave him a majority of 
all the delegates in the district. He was nominated on the first ballot over 
all the other candidates. For fourteen years he represented the district of 
which Stark county was a part — not the same district, for the Democrats 
did not relish the prominent part he was playing in Congress, and " gerry- 
mandered" him three times. They began early at it, too, for in 1878, he 
was put into a district that had i,Soo Democratic majority. McKinley 
carried it by 1,300 votes. In 18^4, they tried a similar " gerrymander," but 
McKinley was not to be downed, and made 1,500 Democratic majority 1,530 
the other way. Finally in 1S90, the year he had placed upon the statute 
books of the Nation, the famous " McKinley bill," partisan intolerance had 
its most iniquitous expression. Stark county was put in a district with 
Wayne, Medina and Holmes. One year before, these counties had given 
Campbell, Democrat, 3,900 majority for Governor. McKinley made the 
fight, and against ex-Lieut. Gov. Warwick, a prominent and popular Demo- 
crat. Not, perhaps, since Abraham Lincoln contested Illinois for the Sena- 
tor ship, against Stephen A. Douglas, has there been — in one sense — a local 
political struggle which the whole country watched with such intense inter- 



5G 

est. It was indeed a battle royal. Some curious schemes were resorted to 
by his opponents. The cry that the McKinley bill had raised the prices of 
necessaries was harped upon incessantly. It is even said that in Holmes 
county, a Democratic stronghold, the Democrats sent men, purporting to be 
tin peddlers, into the country districts for the express purpose of inten- 
tionally deceiving the farmers. These offered ordinary tin drinking cups at 
one dollar a piece. When the people remonstrated, the answer was : " the 
McKinley bill has put so heavy a duty on tin plate that the prices of tinware 
have gone away up." 

Despite the heavy odds against him, and such electioneering methods 
as these, Major McKinley was beaten by a beggarly 303 votes. And that on 
the fullest vote ever cast in the district. He polled 2,500 more votes than 
had been given Harrison in 18S8. This defeat in 1890, took him out of Con- 
gress. It made him Governor of Ohio in 1891. 

It is unnecessary to dwell upon Major McKinley's record in Congress. 
The people know it. He was active and prominent from the very first. 
When James A. Garfield became President, Major McKinley took his place 
on the Ways and Means Committee. In the Fifty-first Congress, Speaker 
Reed, made him its Chairman, and he framed the famous tariff bill that bears 
his name, and led the fight that resulted in its passage. During those four- 
teen years in the House the name of William McKinley, of Ohio, became 
known to the whole people. 

Possibly no measure passed by Congress has been the subject of so much 
discussion and so widely varying opinions, as has the McKinley tariff bill. Its 
friends have sung its praises ; its enemies have been loud in their denuncia- 
tions. 

A famous feature of this bill was the " Reciprocity Clause." The credit 
for this important clause has been accorded (and in large measure most 
justly) to James G. Blaine. But an oft-repeated charge has been that Mc- 
Kinley opposed the reciprocity feature. Nothing is farther from the truth. 
As evidence of this, the following extracts from an authorized interview with 
William E. Curtis, Secretary of the Bureau of American Republics, are to 
the point. Mr. Curtis was for many years close to Mr. Blaine, and this in- 
terview was published a year and a half before that lamented statesman's 
death. It appeared in the Masillon Independent of August 19th, 1891, Mr. 
Curtis being then a visitor to that city. After stating that Mr. Blaine opposed 
any disturbance of the duties on South American products, to which the 
Ways and Means Committee did not agree, Mr. Curtis said : 

" When Mr. Blaine found that it was proposed to remove the duty on sugar, he sent me to 
Mr. McKinley with a proposition which he wanted added to the bill as an amendment. It 
afterward became known asthe Hale amendment. It provided that the President should be 
authorized to take off the duty on sugar whenever the sugar producing nations removed their 
duties on our farm products and certain other articles. 

"Mr. McKinley presented this amendment to the Committee on Ways and Means. It 
was not adopted. Mr. McKinley voted for it the first time it was presented. Then a second 
proposition containing some modifications was presented, and Mr. McKinley voted for that, 
as he voted for the, Blaine reciprocity amendment every time it was submitted, in whatever 
form. 

" It lias been currently reported that Mr. Blaine denounced the McKinley bill with such 

vigor that he smashed his hat. Mr. Blaine's opposition to the bill was because of the free- 

sugar clause. He criticised the refusal of Congress to take advantage of conditions which he 

' were favorable to our trade. They proposed to throw away the duty on sugar when 

he wanted them to trade with it. 



57 

"When what was known as the Aldrich amendment was adopted, Mr. Blaine was per- 
fectly satisfied, ami there is nothing in the current tale> thai he is unfriendly to Major 
McKinley. On the contrary, he is one of his wannest friends. Had ii nol been for Mr. Mc- 
Kinley and Senator Aldrich, of Rhode Island, the reciprocity clause in the tariff act would 
never have been adopted." 

Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania, was Speaker when Major McKinley 
entered Congress, and they became warm friends. There was one mem- 
orable scene in the Fiftieth Congress in which both figured. It occurred on 
May ist, 1888, the day on which the general debate closed on the Mills bill. 
Mr. Randall opposed this measure, and incurred the displeasure of the free 
trade element, headed by Mr. Mills, of Texas. He took the floor to speak 
against the bill. In feeble health, his voice at times almost inaudible, the 
great leader labored under much disadvantage in this, his last fight for pro- 
tection. Before he was through his time expired ; amid cries of " go on," 
Mr. Randall asked for an extension, but Mr. Mills walked to the front and 
said : " I object ! " The cry was repeated by many Democratic members. 

It was a sad sight to witness this great Democratic leader, thus silenced 
upon a momentous question by his own party friends. There was an ex- 
citing scene. Amid it all the Chairman announced that Mr. McKinley, of 
Ohio, had the floor. The latter was to close the debate on the Republican 
side. His desk was piled with memoranda and statistics. 

"Mr. Speaker!" he cried, and his voice stilled the din about him to 
silence, " I yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania out of my time all 
that he may need to finish his speech on this bill." 

In 1891, Major McKinley was unanimously nominated for Govenor. He 
made the contest against Governor James E. Campbell, and was elected by a 
plurality of over 21,000. Two years later he was again unanimously nomi- 
nated, and it was then that he received the highest vote ever cast for any can- 
didate in Ohio. He defeated " Larry " Neal, his Democratic opponent, by the 
unparalleled majority of 80,995 votes. 

Meanwhile he had been otherwise prominent in public affairs. In 1884, 
as Delegate-at-Large from Ohio to the Republican National Convention, he 
supported James G. Blaine for President. He was again Delegate-at-Large in 
1 888, this time advocating the nomination of John Sherman. It was a long 
and exciting contest. The convention was in session over a week. Mr. 
Blaine, then in Europe, was ardently supported by many, despite his cele- 
brated "Florence letter," declining to be a candidate. There grew up a 
strong feeling for McKinley. Many of the leaders favored his nomination 
as the best solution of the difficulty. Senator Quay, of Pennsylvania, said : 

" If Major McKinley comes into the fight, I think our delegation would 
rally more enthusiastically around him than any other man. He is up to 
the Pennsylvania idea of a man, and the delegation I think, will be for him." 

On Saturday, June 22d, every Republican member of the House then in 
Washington, joined in a telegram to Chicago, saying that the best interests of 
the party demanded the nomination of Major McKinley. That same day 
while the balloting was going on, Conneticut cast a vote for McKinley. He 
rose in the midst of the roll call and said Ohio had sent him there to support 
John Sherman and his heart and judgment accorded with his instructions. 
He could not remain silent with honor, nor consistent with the credit of 
Ohio, honorable fidelity to John Sherman, or with his own views of personal 
integrity, " consent or seem to consent to be a candidate." 



58 

" I would not respect myself," said he, "if I could find it in my heart 
to do, or to say, or to permit it to be done, that which would even be 
ground for any one to suspect that I wavered in my loyalty to Ohio, or my de- 
votion to the chief of her choice, and the chief of mine. I do not request, I 
demand that no delegate who would not cast a reflection upon me, shall cast 
a ballot for me." 

It is probably the truth to say that Major McKinley's fidelity to John 
Sherman lost him the Presidency, since the Republican candidate was 
elected. 

Four rears later, in 1892, at the Minneapolis Convention, Major Mc- 
Kinlev was made permanent Chairman. Here, when Blaine's friends saw 
that their candidate could not be nominated, they attempted to stampede 
the convention to Major McKinley. This he resisted, urging that he was 
not a candidate and would not consent to a nomination. That, of course, 
settled the matter, and Mr. Harrison was nominated. 

Xo man in the United vStates is a better campaigner than Major Mc- 
Kinley. His services are always in request, and he has made as many as 
seventeen short speeches in one day. He is quick at repartee, as a gentle- 
man at New Orleans found out when he fired the question at him : " What 
about the Force Rill?" "We are more interested, just now," replied the 
Major, " in the Board Bill." He made one tour, taking in eighteen States, 
from Minnesota in the North, to Louisiana in the South, and from Kansas in 
the West, to New York in the East. He agreed to make forty-six speeches, 
and he did, and three hundred and twentv-five to boot. 

He speaks slowly at first, in low, measured tones, but gradually warming 
up, his voice becomes stronger and is heard by all in his audience. He is 
epigrammatic at times ; always logical, clear and concise in statement. 

" Capital won't work without profit any more than the laborer will work without wages. 
Yel capital can wait on its dividends, but th • workingman can't wait on his dinner." 

•• Tin' capital of tin- workingman is his strong right arm and the deftness and skill of his 
brain, ami if they are unused for a month, or three months or six months, that much of the 
workingman's capital has gone forever. What we want to-day is to keep that capital in- 
vested. You can't do it if you give Europe a pa T t of our work to do." 

"Diminution of domestic production means diminution of the demand for American 
labor. There is nothing cheap to the American that comes from Europe if it enforces idleness 
at home." 

" 'i in dearest things 10 any people are idleness and poverty." 

These are a few of his short, pithy statements, easily comprehended 
and remembered. 

Major McKinley does not use intoxicating liquors, but he does smoke 
good cigars. In religion, he and his wife, who has been an invalid for years, 
are Methodists. They never had but two children, and they died in infancy. 
He is a most devoted husband, and to him his wife is still sweetheart. 

No one has ever impugned Major McKinlev's motives, or cast a doubt 
upon his integrity ; and the writer thinks it one of the proud things an 
American can say about our most prominent men in all parties, they are 
honest in their convictions, honest in their personal dealings, staunch 
Americans and liberty loving.* 

litor of this honk acknowledges bis indebtedness to Mr. Henry Hall, of the Pitts- 
bury Times, for a large share of this sketch. 




Claude Matthews. 



CLAUDE MATTHEWS. 

PLUCK, integrity, tact — a trinity of words that give expression to 
the character of every successful man, in either political or com- 
mercial life. Lacking either one of these, failure is almost certain 
to follow the best directed efforts. Tact is the open eye, the recep- 
tive ear, the taste that judges, that indefinable something that puts the man 
in bond of sympathy with his fellows. 

Your cold, distant man, however learned, is like a piece of steel never 
touched by the electric wand ; your tactful man is the magnetic iron that 
attaches, draws. Usually the man that is in touch with the people, is of the 
people. He has not lived in any realm apart ; he has been companion, 
counsellor, friend, with those who toil in the industries that give vigor to 
national life, and by their manifold development make a people great. 

Such a man is the subject of our sketch, and the man who reads the 
news of the day, need not be told that it is no evdogy to say, that Claude 
Matthews, Governor of Indiana, knows not only how, but when to do the 
right thing. Like all free-thinking men, he is a partisan ; but he never 
forgets that as the Chief Executive of a great State, he governs Republicans, 
Populists and Democrats, and he deals justly by all. 

Born in Kentucky, fifty years ago, he is now in the full vigor of man- 
hood. He was educated at Center College, that State, after having the 
usual trials in getting a common school education. 

Soon after graduating, he removed to Indiana, and was wedded to the 
daughter, and only child, of ex-U. S. Senator James Whitcomb, one of Indi- 
ana's well-known and early statesmen. Governor Matthews, settled upon a 
farm in Vermillion county, and has been, and is now, a practical farmer, 
giving great attention to breeding of blooded cattle, Jerseys and Shorthorns. 
In fact, he has been active in the organizations in the United States and 
Canada, which have grown up to foster the development of these breeds. 

Living in a district giving a large Republican majority, his party, the 
Democratic, selected him as a candidate for the Legislature. He entered 
the canvass to win, and overcame a majority of 300, being elected by a ma- 
jority of 250 votes. In 1890, the Democratic party in casting about for men 
who could carry the State, selected Claude Matthews to head their ticket as 
Secretary of State. The nomination was given him almost without solicita- 
tion on his part, the delegates feeling that they must select their strongest 
man. In 1892, a candidate for Governor was to be selected, and with singu- 
lar unanimity, the convention concluded that the tried Secretary of State, 
should be the man to head the ticket. 

All students of American politics are aware that in Indiana, of all States, 
the game of politics is played for all it is worth. It is a see-saw game, 
sometimes up and sometimes down," neither party having anything like 
a certainty; until, in fact, it has become a proverb, " as goes the State of 
Indiana, so ,-oos the Union." Claude Matthews carried the State, and by a 
majority large enough to fasten the attention of the country upon him as a 
man truly popular with the people. 

60 



Gl 

In fact, his majority for Governor was the largest ever given any candi- 
date. Poll Indiana to-day, it is safe to say that without regard to party, the 
people Republicans, Democrats, or what not, will subscribe to this declara- 
tion : Hehas been an ideal ruler; firm in his convictions, not obstinate, 
devoted to duty, calm and resolute. He is not a narrow-minded man ; lie 
looks at all sides of a question and gives every one a hearing. He is liberal 
in his views, and looks beyond the matter of persons to the great arena 
where the consensus of opinion must be the ultimate arbiter. 

Although a farmer, he possesses the judicial mind, calm, sober and re- 
flective ; but he never gets out of touch with the people — the common Sam, 
Bob, or Tom, of every-day life. He has grown up in the world, with the 
people whose aggregate wisdom constitutes the whole ; whose judgment as 
expressed at the polls, is the final verdict from which no appeal can be taken. 

Not born with a "silver spoon in his mouth," he lias worked in the 
planting and the harvest, and hence knows that it is incumbent upon our 
legislators to study economy in expenditures to the end that taxation may 
not become onerous. 

Without being a high tariff man he would so adjust imposts that sufficient 
revenue shall be provided for the economical administration of the Govern- 
ment. Like all fair-minded citizens, he does not believe in taxing, directlv 
or indirectly, the many for the advantage of the few. Monopolies and trusts, 
he believes, to be "Canada thistles " in our free soil, to be uprooted and de- 
stroyed. 

It is very safe to say that if Governor Matthews is elevated to the Chief 
Magistracy of this Nation, watchful care will be taken that expenditures are 
kept well within receipts, and that Wall street gamblers do not reap a harvest 
by illegitimate gains from the United States Treasury. 

He is a firm believer that this is a nation "by the people, for the people," 
and the greatest and best upon earth. Like every patriot, its honor is his 
individual care, and so far as he can, he jealously guards it. To attain the 
highest office, Governor Matthews will not descend to devious ways ; he has 
made his record to be read of all men, and he points to it with pride. His 
promise is to nil people that if nominated and elected President of this great 
country he w r ill administer the high office for the benefit of the citizens at 
large, and strive to keep our credit and honor untarnished. He comes of a 
stock noted for devotion to principle — the Scotch-Irish — and for being hardy 
and fearless ; his immediate ancestors, both maternal and paternal, were 
noted as soldiers and statesmen, so that he has by birthright a place as a 
leader. 

From a recent article printed in a leading Western newspaper, I quote 
the following : 

" Governor Matthews is a man of broad views. He could not be called 
a one-idea man from any possible standpoint. In the administration of the 
public affairs with which' he has been intrusted, he has shown at all times the 
broadest liberality consistent with the public good, and the highest type of 
moral courage. It has never occurred to him, and never would occur to him, 
that there was anything for a public official to do but his whole duty under 
anv circumstance. 

" Governor Matthews, has many qualities which especially fit him for a 
Presidential candidate as well as for the Presidency. He is essentially a man 
of the people. His Democracy is of the warp-and-woof of his character. 
His knowledge of men comes from his close contact with men. It may be 



62 

truly said of him that from his very earliest boyhood he has touched elbows 
with the world. His manners are dignified and engaging. He believes in 
the fullest possible discussion of all questions affecting his party and his 
country, and is ready at all times to give the fullest audience to questions 
concerning party and public welfare, whether the views expressed agree 
with his own or not. 

" Governor Matthews' family consists of himself, his wife and two chil- 
dren. His oldest child is the wife of Cortez Ewing, a prominent attorney 
in a neighboring city. The Governor's youngest child, and the only one re- 
maining at home with her parents, is Miss Helen Matthews, a young lady of 
rare beauty and accomplishments. Governor Matthews is very domestic in 
his tastes, and spends with his family all of his time that is not necessarily 
devoted to his business affairs. His country place in Vermillion county is 
one of the handsomest estates in Indiana, and is known far and wide as 
' Hazel Bluff Farm.' The place is well stocked, and he goes out there fre- 
quently to see how the trotters, and the shorthorns, and the colts, and the 
calves, and the lambs, are getting along. He is fond of life on the farm, and 
says he will be glad when he is through with politics, so that he can go back 
to ' Hazel Bluff' and take things easy." 

It is generally conceded, that the Central West will furnish the Demo- 
cratic candidate for President. Indiana will enthusiastically support Gover- 
nor Matthews. They say no man has ever been elected President, since 
Indiana became a State, who has not got her electoral vote, and they declare 
that he can carry the State against any antagonist. 

Having excited no jealousies in his party, it is believed his name will 
be a tower of strength in all the doubtful States, and that, therefore, it is 
political wisdom to give him the nomination. 

The writer of this article makes no claim to being a prophet, but he does 
think that he can pretty accurately judge public men by their official acts, 
and lias no hesitancy in saying that if Claude Matthews becomes President 
no emergency will arise that will not find him equal to the occasion. 




C. F. Manderson. 



GENERAL CHARLES FREDERICK MANDERSON. 

CHARLES FREDERICK MANDERSON was born of Scotch-Irish an- 
cestry in Philadelphia, Pa., February 9th, 1837, and received his 
education in the schools of his native city. At the age of 19 he re- 
moved to Canton, Stark county, Ohio, where he studied law and was 
admitted to the bar in 1859. In the spring of 1S60 he was elected City 
Solicitor of Canton, Ohio, and was reelected the next year. 

On the day of the receipt of the news of the firing on Fort Sumpter he 
enlisted as a private with Captain James Wallace of the Canton Zouaves, an 
independent company in which he had been a corporal. Receiving permis- 
sion from Governor Dennison, with Samuel Beatty, an old Mexican soldier, 
then sheriff of Stark Count)-, to raise a company of infantry, they recruited 
a full company in one day in April, 1861, Manderson being elected and 
commissioned First Lieutenant. In May, 1S61, Beatty, the Captain, being 
made Colonel of the 19th Ohio Infantry, Manderson became Captain of 
Company " A " of that Regiment. He took his command into Western Vir- 
ginia among the first troops occupying that section, and the 19th Ohio be- 
came a part of the Brigade commanded by General Rosecraus in General 
MeClellan's Army of Occupation of West Virginia. The Regiment partici- 
pated with great credit in the first field battle of the war on the nth day of 
July, 1861. Captain Manderson received special mention in the official re- 
ports of this battle. In August, 1861, he reenlisted his Company for three 
years, or during the war, and in this service he rose through the grades of 
Major, Lieutenant-Colonel and Colonel of the 19th Ohio Infantry, and on 
January 1st, 1864, over 400 of the survivors of his Regiment reenlisted with 
him as veteran volunteers. The battle of Shiloh, during which Captain 
Manderson acted as Lieutenant-Colonel, caused his promotion to the rank 
of Major, and he was mentioned in the reports of General Boyle and General 
Crittenden, for distinguished gallantry and exceptional service. General 
Boyle says in his report : 

" Captain Manderson deported himself with cool nerve and courage and 
personally captured a prisoner." 

He was in command of the 19th Ohio Infantry in all its engagements 
up to and including the battle of Lovejoy's Station on September 2d, 1864. 
At the battle of Stone's River, or Murfreesboro, the Regiment lost in killed 
and wounded 213 men out of 449 taken into the engagement, or 44 per cent. 
It won distinguished renown and exceptional mention for its participation 
in this great battle, and the official reports gave particular credit to its 
charge in the cedars which checked the enemy's advance upon our right and 
restored the line of battle to one that could be maintained. General Fred 
Knefler, who commanded the 79th Indiana, said in his official report: 

"It may not be improper to remark that the behavior of my regiment, 
which had but few opportunities for drill, and had not been long in the field, 
may he attributed in a great measure to the splendid conduct of the 19th 

t>4 



65 

Ohio, Major Manderson commanding, the effect of whose example was not 
lost upon the officers and soldiers of my regiment." 

General Grider, commanding the Brigade, says : 

" The command was splendidly led by its officers, among whom was 
Major Manderson, who exhibited the ntmost coolness and daring." 

During its three years and its veteran service, the 19th Ohio Infantry 
participated in the following campaigns and battles : Shiloh, Sic^e of Corinth, 
Action near Farmington, Movement from Battle Creek, Tenn., to Louisville, 
Ky., Perryville Campaign, Crab Orchard, Stone's River, Murfreesboro, Tul- 
lahoma Campaign, Liberty Gap, Chickamauga, Siege of Chattanooga, Orchard 
Knob, Mission Ridge, Knoxville Campaign, Atlanta Campaign, Cassvillc, 
Dallas. New Hope Church, Pickett's Mills, Ackworth Station, Pine Knob, 
Kulp's Farm, Kenesaw, Affair near Marietta, Crossing the Chattahootchie 
River, Peach Tree Creek, Siege of Atlanta. Ezra Chapel, Jonesboro, Love- 
joy's Station, Franklin, Nashville and pursuit of Hood's Army. 

The Brigade Commander says of the battle of New Hope Church in his 
official report : 

"The second line, commanded by Colonel Manderson, and composed 
of the 19th Ohio, the 79th Indiana and the 9th Kentucky, advanced in 
splendid style through a terrific fire. Officers and soldiers acted most gal- 
lantly, the regiments of the second line particularly, which advanced in 
admirable order over very difficult ground and determinedly maintained 
their ground against very superior numbers. Conspicuous for gallantry and 
deserving of special mention is Colonel C. F. Manderson, of the 19th Ohio." 

While leading his demi-brigade composed of the 19th Ohio, the 9th 
Kentucky and the 79th Indiana, in a charge upon the enemy's works at 
Lovejoy's Station, Ga., on September 2d, 1864, in which the front line of 
works was taken and held, he was severely wounded in the spine and right 
side. 

General Knefler, commanding the Brigade, says officially : 

" I cannot say too much of Colonel Manderson, who was severely wounded 
and always conspicuous for gallantry and skill." 

General Wood, who commanded the Division, says of the charge upon 
the enemy's works : 

" It was gallantly made, and we lost some valuable officers, among them 
Colonel Manderson." 

The ball being unextracted, and much disability arising therefrom, he 
was compelled to resign the service from wounds, in April, 1865, the war in 
the West having practically closed. Previous to his resignation he was 
breveted Brigadier-General of Volunteers, U. S. A., to date March 13th, 1865, 
" for long, faithful, gallant and meritorious services during the War of the 
Rebellion." This distinction came to him on the recommendation of army 
commanders in the field and not by political influence. 

Returning to Canton, Ohio, he resumed the practice of law, and was 
twice elected District Attorney of Stark County, declining a nomination for 
a third term. In 1867 he came within one vote ot receiving the Republican 
nomination for Congress in a district in Ohio, then conceded to be Republican 
by several thousand majority. 

In November, 1869, he removed to Omaha, Neb., where he still resides, 
and where he quickly became prominent in legal and political affairs. He 



66 

was a member of the Nebraska State Constitutional Convention of 187 1 and 
also that of 1874, being elected without opposition by the nominations o " 
both political parties. He served as City Attorney of Omaha, Neb., for 
over six years, obtaining signal success in the trial of important municipal 
cases and achieving high rank as a lawyer. For many years he has been an 
active comrade in the Grand Army of the Republic, and for three years was 
Commander of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the District of 
Columbia. He was elected United States Senator as a Republican to suc- 
ceed Alviu Saunders, his term commencing March 4th, 1883. He was 
reelected to the Senate in 1S88 without opposition, and with exceptional and 
unprecedented marks of approval from the Legislature of Nebraska. His 
term expired March 3d, 1895, and he declined to be a candidate for a third 
term, announcing publicly his intention to retire from public life. In the 
Senate he was Chairman of the Joint Committee on Printing and an active 
member of the following committees : Claims, Private Land Claims, Terri- 
tories, Indian Affairs, Military Affairs and Rules. Many valuable reports 
have been made by him from these committees, and he has been a shaping 
and directing force in the way of legislation of value relating to Claims, the 
establishment of the Private Land Claims Court, the Government of the 
Territories, the admission of new States, pensions to soldiers, aid to soldiers' 
homes, laws for the better organization and improvement of the discipline 
of the United States Army, and for the improvement and better methods for 
the printing of the Government. 

In the second session of the Fifty-first Congress, he was elected by the 
United States Senate as its President pro tempore without opposition, it hav- 
ing been declared by the Senate, after full debate, to be a continuing office. 
This unanimous election to the Presidency of the Senate was without a 
precedent, and was the highest compliment that could be paid by that 
august body to one of its members. In March, 1893, the political complex- 
ion of the Senate having changed, he resigned the Presidency of the Senate, 
and was succeeded by Hon. Ishani G. Harris, of Tennessee. General Mander- 
son retired from the Senate March 3d, iS95,and being tendered the position 
of General Solicitor of the Burlington System of Railroads west of the Mis- 
souri River, entered upon the duties of the place on April 1st, 1895, contin- 
uing his residence at Omaha, Neb. 

The preceding, which we quote from a recent publication, illustrates 
one characteristic of General Manderson, namely, that whatever he under- 
takes he proposes to carry to a finish. He enlisted in the war of the rebellion 
at the very first, and he continued iii it until a wound absolutely disabled 
him, the bullet which caused it being still in his body. Fortunately, the 
messenger came after, or at least, about the time the real fighting had been 
done ; so that it may be said he was in the war from start to finish. 

The wound which disabled him was so severe the surgeons were almost 
hopeless of his recovery, and it is a fact that his lower limbs were paralyzed 
for over two mouths. 

When Corporal Tanner was Commissioner of Pensions, in looking over 
the records, he found the case of General Manderson, and, from the descrip- 
tion of the wound he received, concluded that he was entitled to the allow- 
ance for full disability instead of half, which he was getting. He thereupon 
put General Manderson on the pension roll for $30.00 per month instead of 



67 

$15.00. General Manderson knew nothing of this, being absent in Alaska at 
the time, and never asked that it should be done. In fact, as soon as he 
knew it had been done, he wrote the Commissioner that it should not be 
without a medical examination, and demanded that a medical commission 
be appointed to examine him. Meantime Senator Manderson's political 
enemies took the matter np, and asserted that full disability had been allowed 
from time of receiving the wound, and that he had received a check for 
some thousands of dollars of back pension, all of which was distinctly untrue. 
Of course the lie " flew on the wings of Mercury and the truth followed after 
on leaden shoes." The discussion resulted, however, in great good, as it 
invited the attention of the country to the pension system, Mr. Man- 
derson maintaining that every wounded or disabled soldier, be he millionaire 
or pauper, was entitled to a pension as a right. It stands to reason that if a 
rich man is debarred from receiving a pension because he is wealthy, the 
poor man can be upon some pretext that can be trumped up. In this Re- 
public, equity demands that every man shall stand before the law on the 
same plane with every other man ; there must be no discrimination. It also 
evolved the idea, which is now sturdidly maintained, that the pensioner has 
a vested right which cannot be disturbed at the whim or caprice of those in 
authority. 

Every veteran soldier owes General Manderson a debt of gratitude for 
his sturdy defense of their interests. It is not amiss to say in this connec- 
tion that while Senator, Mr. Manderson handled over 45,000 pension cases, 
a " thank you job gladly performed," which cost the Senator over $500 per 
annum for postage, clerk hire, etc. After the death of General Logan this 
business seemed to drift his way, showing that the old soldiers recognized 
him as their especial friend — and he is and was. 

General Manderson's sturdy independence of character and absolute 
integrity has never been questioned. He has always kept in touch with the 
people, and as their servant in the Senate served their every interest with 
fidelity. He is a sound thinker, a pleasing speaker, and is self-reliant, as 
becomes all citizens of a republic. In 1S65, he married Rebecca S. , daughter 
of Hon. James D. Brown, of Canton, Ohio. 



DANIEL WOLSEY V00RHEE5. 

VERY few men in public life are better known to the public at large 
than Senator Voorhees, who was born in Butler county, Ohio, Sep- 
tember 26th, 1S27. His ancestors came from Holland, and were 
early settlers in New Jersey, the original name being Van Voorhees. 
The Senator is proud of his ancestry, and often dwells upon the genius 
and valor of the people of the Dutch Republic, in its historic days. Soon 
after the Revolution, his grandfather removed to Kentucky, where he mar- 
ried a Miss Van Arsdale, whose father fought with Daniel Boone, against the 
Indians at Blue Lick, Ky. Senator Voorhees' father, Stephen Voorhees, was 
born in Kentucky, but removed early in life to Ohio, where he married 
Rachel Elliott, of Irish ancestry and a native of Maryland. She was a woman 
of large intellectual endowments and great strength of character. In 1827, 
when Daniel was but two months old, his parents removed to Indiana, and 
purchased land in Fountain count}'. Daniel grew to manhood on the farm 
and had his full share of the hard work incident to a pioneer farmer's life, 
and he says he liked it and became thoroughly interested in rural matters. 
Readers of his speeches will note that he often illustrates them with scenes 
and incidents of his farm life. 

To obtain an education, he attended the common school fall and winter, 
and read such books as he could get, in the evenings. By close application 
he had become so proficient, when eighteen years years of age, he entered 
Indiana Asbury (now De Pauw) University, where he graduated in 1849. 
At the University he displayed great mental abilities and rare oratorical 
powers. He studied law at Crawfordsville, and in 185 1 commenced to prac- 
tice at Covington, Ind., the seat of justice of Fountain county. While at 
Covington, young Voorhees delivered a Fourth of July oration, which was 
listened toby United States Senator Hannegan, of Indiana, himself one of 
the great orators of his time. Mr. Voorhees' speech so captivated the Sena- 
tor, he at once proposed that they form a law partnership, which was ac- 
cepted in April, 1852. The next year, 1853, Mr. Voorhees, in defending a 
criminal, found himself confronted by ex-Governor Wright, but he so far 
held his own as to establish his reputation as a criminal lawyer of rare abil- 
ity. In 1856, the Democrats nominated him for Congress, but he was de- 
feated. Soon after he removed to Terre Haute, which has ever since been 
his home, and where he gained the sobriquet of the "Tall Sycamore of the 
Wabash." From 1858 to 1861, he was United States District Attorney for 
Indiana. In 1S59, at the earnest, personal request of Gov. Ashbel P. Wil- 
lard, of Indiana, he went to Charlestown, Va., to defend John E. Cook, 
brother-in-law of the Oovernor, and one of the associates of John Brown in 
the raid upon Harper's Ferry His able defense of his client and remarka- 
bly eloquent speech to the court and jury, on that occasion, was published 
all over this country and translated into several languages ; from that day 
Daniel W. Voorhees, was a National character. In i860, he was elected to 
Congress, and reelected in 1862 and 1864. In 1866, his seat was successfully 
contested by Henry D. Washburn ; but in 1868, he was again victorious, and 

68 




D. W. Voorhees. 



70 

was reelected in 1870 and 1872. From 187210 1S77, he practiced law, and was 
more than ordinarily successful, being attorney in many very important 
cases. 

When Oliver P. Morton died, a vacancy in the United States Senate, 
from Indiana occurred, and Mr. Voorhees was appointed. He was subse- 
quently elected by the Legislature for the term, and reelected in 1885 
and 1S91. 

Senator Voorhees is a strong partisan, and at times delivers and receives 
heavy blows ; but being a man of generous impulses, he usually gains the 
personal good-will of his political opponents. 

He is a man of most decided convictions and sturdy independence of 
character. His opinions are not for sale and he is honest to the core. 

Even those who differ from him politically, admit that he intends in all 
matters of legislation, vital to the interests of the people, to do exactly right. 

He has been an impelling and a shaping force in his party for many 
years, and has had a wonderful hold upon the masses in his State. 




S. M. Cullom. 



SHELBY MOORE CULLOM. 

LIKE Abraham Lincoln, who was his friend and neighbor, this gentle- 
man was born in Kentucky, at Monticello, November 22d, 1829. 
f His father was the Hon. R. N. Cullom, a farmer, as have been a 
host of Southern legislators and statesmen. 

In 1830, Shelby's father removed to Illinois, and as the boy grew toward 
manhood, he had to do his share of a farmer's work. Having early formed 
a purpose to devote himself to the law, he devoted two years to study at 
Rock River Seminary, Mount Morris, 111., teaching school part of the time 
to help defray his expenses. 

In 1853, he entered the law office of Stuart & Edwards, at Springfield, 
111. which has ever since been his home. In 1855, he began practice, and 
was immediately brought into contact with such legal giants, as Stephen T. 
Logan, John T. Stuart, Abraham Lincoln, B. S. Edwards, John A. McClernand 
and others not unknown throughout the State. 

Mr. Cullom's arguments in the Circuit Court, bespoke habits of close 
application, and were concise and logical. Within a short time he had a 
good practice and a reputation of earnest devotion to his clients' interests. 

The civil war caused a large amount of litigation, and soon Mr. Cullom 
found himself in receipt of $20,000 income per year. Though with such a 
practice, he had already entered the arena of politics, having been elected, 
in 1856, to the Illinois House of Representatives. He identified himself 
with the new Republican party, and was reelected in i860, in a Democratic 
district. There being a Republican majority in the House, he was elected 
Speaker, at that time the youngest man ever chosen in the State. 

In 1862, President Lincoln appointed him, with Governor Boutwell, of 
Massachusetts, and Charles A. Dana, Commissioners to examine and pass 
upon the accounts of United States Quartermasters and Disbursing Officers. 
In 1S64, he was elected to Congress by 1,785 majority over his old preceptor, 
Hon. John T. Stuart. He became an active and aggressive member of the 
House, and heartily favored the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth amend- 
ments to the Constitution of the United States. 

He was Chairman of the Committee on Territories, and recognized the 
necessity of dealing severely with polygamy. He was reelected in 1S66 
and 1868, and added to the reputation he had already made, of being 
thoroughly posted upon all the subjects he discussed or considered in 
committee. 

In JS72, he was again sent to the State Legislature, and again made 
Speaker. lie was ret'lcelcd in 1874. In 1876, the Centennial year, he was 
chosen Governor of his State, and so well did he perform his duties, he was 
reelected, an honor that had never been conferred upon any one in the 
history of the State. He was watchful of the people's interests, kept down 
aditurcs, and had a vigilant eye upon the various State institutions; 
his ambition was, if he could, to extinguish the State debt. In 18S3, 
the Legislature chose him United States Senator, and reelected him in 

72 



73 

1889 and 1895. He is a most influential member of that body, serves on 
many committees, and never favors hasty or ill-advised legislation. 

Like the late President Lincoln, Mr. Cullom is a very convincing 
speaker, using language that any one can understand, and is apt in illustra- 
tion. He does not indulge in rhetorical display, but goes at the pith of the 
subject, and gets the attention of his auditors by the simplicity of h ; s speech, 
the force of his argument and the logical array of his facts and figures. 

It is understood that he is a candidate for the Republican nomination 
for President, and will have the support of the delegation from his State ; 
and it may be, that unless some one is nominated on a very early ballot, the 
shifting of votes may give him the prize. 

He is a self-made man, and has won the confidence of his people by 
the rugged honesty of his character, as well as by his abilities. 



JOHN WARWICK DANIEL. 

THIS gentleman, now United States Senator from Virginia, was born at 
Lynchburg, Campbell County, Virginia, September 5th, 1842. His 
father was William Daniel, Jr., a learned lawyer, brilliant advocate 
and able jurist, for many years Judge of the Supreme Court of 
Appeals, of Virginia. His grandfather was William Daniel, Sr., long distin- 
guished as a Judge of the General Court. Judge Peter V. Daniel, of the 
United States Supreme Court, was his kinsman, as was also Raleigh T. Dan- 
iel, an eminent lawyer of Richmond, who was Attorney-General of the State. 
It is undoubtedly from the father's side that the subject of this sketch inher- 
its his judicial mind and forensic ability. 

John W. Daniel, was educated at Lynchburg College and at Dr. Gessner 
Harrison's University School. While at the latter, the Civil War broke out, 
and with the ardor of youth that believes in the justness of his cause, he 
threw aside his books and enlisted as a private soldier, and soon became a 
Second Lieutenant in Stonewall (Gen'l Thomas J.) Jackson's Brigade. He 
was wounded twice at the first battle of Manassas (Bull Run), the very first 
conflict of great importance between the Federal and Confederate armies. 

Later he became Adjutant of the nth Virginia Infantry, and in action at 
Boonsboro, near Antietam, was again wounded. The Confederate Govern- 
ment, recognizing his ability and fighting qualities, promoted him to the 
rank of Major, and appointed him Adjutant-General on General Jubal Earlv's 
Staff. May 6th, 1864, in the desperate battles in the Wilderness, he was 
permanently crippled, illustrating that bullets, like death, choose " a shining 
mark." 

He studied law at the University of Virginia in 1865-66, was admitted to 
practice, and has been a practitioner ever since. He has contributed to our 
jurisprudence a learned volume, entitled " Daniel on Attachments," and 
another, on "Negotiable Instruments," has passed through four editions and 
is considered the leading authority on that subject, being frequently quoted 
by the highest tribunals of Great Britain and the United States, and is used 
as a text-book in some of the Universities and Colleges. 

When twenty-seven years of age, he entered politics, serving in 1869-70, 
and 1S71-72, in the Virginia House of Delegates. Here Mr. Daniel made a 
great reputation as a ready and eloquent speaker, concise and logical. From 
this on lie became, not a merely a local political power, but an influence for 
good in the State ; and nothing was more certain than, that if he lived, he 
would receive from his Commonwealth the highest political honor it could 
bestow. From 1S75 to 1881, he served in the State Senate; in 1876 was 
Elector-at-Large on the Tildeu and Hendricks ticket, and Delegate-at-Large 
to the National Democratic Conventions of 1880, 18S8 and 1892, 

In 1NS1 he was defeated for Governor by W. E. Cameron, Readjuster, a 
party that derived all its strength from issues growing out of the readjust- 
ment of the vState debt ; a measure deemed necessary principally because 
of the division of the State, by the creation of West Virginia, during the 

74 




John W. Daniel 



war. He was elected a member of Congress, and served from 1885 to 1887, 
attracting the attention of the Nation, and preparing the way for his eleva- 
tion to the United States Senate, the doors of which he entered as a member 
March 4th, 18S7. He served his constitnents so faithfully, he was unani- 
mously reelected in December, 1891, to serve from 1893 to 1899. 

Mr. Daniel is really recognized as one of the most eloquent men in the 
country ; a man of sterling integrity, rare good judgment, calm and fearless 
in the expression of his views, and at the same time one of those men who 
give due weight and courtesy to the opinions of their opponents. 

A thorough Democrat, he holds to the fundamental doctrines of his 
party ; but in divided issues he ranges himself according to his individual 
convictions. It is an acknowledged fact that both the great parties are 
divided upon the issue of bi-metalism and mono-metalism. He believes 
jn a sound currency ; that every dollar the poor man carries should be as 
good as any other dollar ; but so believing, the writer understands that Mr. 
Daniel believes it is not necessary to put all our currency upon a gold basis, 
but that silver should be restored to all its old time functions as money, and 
that it can be retained on a parity with gold. However, this is not ex-cathedra. 

Mr. Daniel is an affable man, who does not lift himself up above his 
fellows, and is easily approached by all. His courtesy of manner is not 
affected ; his politeness extends to the poor as well as the rich, the humble 
as to the proud. On all National questions he ranges himself on the side of 
the loftiest patriotism, — his motto being, " the greatest good to the greatest 
number." That he will be a power in National politics in the years to 
come, his friends and opponents, both alike, believe. 




Russell A. Alger- 



RUSSELL ALEXANDER ALGER. 

THE subject of our sketch, was born in Lafayette, Medina county, 
Ohio, February 27th, 1836. His ancestors came to this country 
early in its history ; John Alger, his grandfather, participated in 
many battles of the Revolutionary War, and was a stury patriot, as 
well as valiant soldier. 

Russell, is the son of Russell and Caroline Moulton Alger, so that there 
is united in his veins the blood of both English and Scotch ancestry ; a mix- 
ture which insures stability of character, tenacity of purpose and vigor of 
mind. Mr. Alger's father emigrated to the Western Reserve, Ohio, in 1820, 
and like most pioneers of that time, cultivated the soil ; dying in 184S (his 
mother having died in 1847), ne left his sou an orphan at the age of twelve, 
with a younger brother and sister dependent upon him for support. In 
1848-49, he worked for his board and clothing, being allowed to attend school 
three months each year. In 1850, at fourteen years of age, he commenced 
to work by the month as a farmhand, for $3.00 per month ; the next year he 
got $4.00 per month at first, and $5.00 thereafter for six months. Out of 
this he clothed himself and helped his brother and sister, finding for them 
places where they could work for their board. In 1S51, his wages were $6.00 
per month; 1852, $S. 00; 1853, $10 ; 1854, $12.00; 1855 and 1856, $15.00, and 
in 1S5S, $20.00. He attended fall and winter terms at Richfield Academy, 
sawing wood noon times, and working morning and evenings, for his board. 
As can be imagined, he was a very busy young man, and his path in pursuit 
of knowledge rather thorny ; but he never despaired, he kept his eye upon 
the top of the ladder ; climb it he must, climb it he would, and as the sequel 
has shown, climb it he did. The last two years he taught school during the 
winter months. 

In 1857, he began to study law with Wolcott & Upson, in Akron, Ohio, 
and in 1S59, was admitted to practice by the Supreme Court. He soon found 
employment in the law office of Otis, Coffinbury & Wyman, at Cleveland, 
but was forced by the state of his health to abandon office confinement. 
In i860, he went to Grand Rapids, Mich., and embarked in the lumber 
business in a very limited way. War clouds soon began to float across the 
sky, nnd all thoughts of peaceful pursuits were dispelled, when the call to 
amis came in 1861. He enlisted as a private in the Second Michigan Cav- 
alry, soon became Captain, and April 25th, 1862, Major. This regiment had 
for its Colonel, that intrepid leader, Phil. Sheridan. 

At Boonesville, Miss., July 1st, 1862, with ninety picked men, he 
attacked the enemy's rear, routing them, though he was wounded and taken 
prisoner. He escaped the same day, and October 16th was made L,ieutenant- 
Colonel of the Sixth Michigan Cavalry, and February 28th, 1863, became 
Colonel of the Fifth Michigan Cavalry. June 28th of the same year his regi- 
ment was the first to enter Gettysburg, where, July ist~3d, the bloodiest 
battle of the war was fought. He was specially mentioned in General Cus- 
ter's report of cavalry operations. While in pursuit of the enemy, July 8th, 
he was again, and severely, wounded at Boonesborough, Md. 

78 



79 

When Sheridan made his famous campaign in the Shenandoah Valley, 
in 1864, Colonel Alger, by a brilliant charge at Trevillian Station, captured 
over 800 Confederates, June nth, 1864. The same day he was breveted 
Brigadier and Major-General of Volunteers. 

His war experience over, General Alger returned to Michigan and en- 
tered the lumber business at Detroit. 

He was soon made president of two great lumber companies, employ- 
ing over 1,000 men and cutting over 140,000,000 feet of timber annually. 
He also became actively interested in other business and a director in sev- 
eral companies. He, however, has never been a speculator, believing that 
a man should engage in pursuits that tend to develop the .resources of the 
country and is of value to the world at large as well as himself. He also 
carefully avoids litigation, proving the fairness of his dealings and his desire 
to be just to all. 

In 1884, he was Delegate to the Republican National Convention, and 
was soon thereafter, elected Governor of Michigan. He declined renomina- 
tion as Governor, and in 188S, at the earnest solicitation of numerous friends 
in his own and other States, became a candidate for the Presidency, and in 
the Republican National Convention, received 142 votes for that high office, 
100 of the votes staying by him to the last. In the same campaign he was 
chosen Republican Elector-at-L,arge. 

In 1SS9, he received at Milwaukee, what he probably regards as the great- 
est honor of his life, namely, the Commander-in-Chiefship of the Grand 
Army of the Republic. He is also a member of the Loyal Legion, and is 
noted for his regard for all the veterans of the war, in which he was so con- 
spicuous a figure. 

As a boy, so as a man, he finds no idle time ; and remembering the hard- 
ships of his early days, he takes special interest in boys, especially the news- 
boys. It was the " newsies " of Detroit who originated the cry heard at the 
convention in Chicago, " He's all right ;" others have appropriated it, but 
it belongs to General Alger. 

In April, 1861, he was married to Annette Henry, daughter of one of 
Grand Rapids leading citizens. Nine children have been born to them, five 
of whom are now living. 

His home life has been most pleasant, and he and his family enjoy the 
respect of all the citizens of Detroit, where, from the very nature of things, 
they are best known. General Alger is a philanthropist, but not ostenta- 
tious in his charities. He has made a fortune by strict attention to legiti- 
mate business ; not by reaping what others have sown. 



H. CLAY EVANS. 

HCLAY EVANS, was born in 1843, in Juniata county, Pa. The 
family moved to Wisconsin, then a territory, in 1846, and became 
• farmers, living there until 1859. H. Clay, then a boy of sixteen, 
became a clerk in the Register's office of Grant county. He next 
clerked in a store at Lancaster, where he remained until he enlisted hi the 
41st Wisconsin Infantry Volunteers. 

He went to Tennessee, in the early part of 1864, and was mustered out of 
service in October of that year. He then went to Chattanooga and accepted 
a position as civilian in the army. Chattanooga, at that time, was the depot 
for military supplies for the army south and east of there, and had 17,000 
civilian employes. Mr. Evans served in responsible positions in the Quar- 
termaster's department, and was afterward appointed agent by the Secretary 
of War, and though only twenty-one years of age, closed up the depot, by 
shiopingaway all the supplies of regular army pattern and selling the balance, 
which amounted to millions of dollars. 

Mr. Evans held a responsible position in connection with the United 
States service, from 1S65 to 1867, in the removal of the Union dead from the 
battlefields and burying grounds, to the established National cemeteries at 
Chattanooga, Knoxville and Marietta. This service required the greatest of 
care and involved the expenditure of large sums of money. 

In 1869, Mr. Evans went to Fort Brown, Texas, as chief clerk for the sub- 
district of the Rio Grande, which office had charge of the building of perma- 
nent barracks along the frontier, for the United States army, at a cost of mil- 
lions of dollars. In 1870, he returned to Chattanooga, where he already had 
property interests, and engaged in business. He established the Chattanooga, 
Car Wheel Foundry. In 1872, he accepted a position with the receivers of 
the Alabama and Chattanooga Railway Company as general book-keeper, 
where he remained until 1S74, when he resigned to accept the position of 
superintendent of the Roane Iron Company, at Rockwood, where they 
operated coal mines, ore mines and blast furnaces. He remained until 1875, 
when he resigned and returned to Chattanooga. A few days afterward, he was 
appointed by the Chancery Court, receiver of the Webster & Marks Foundry 
and Machine shop, then the largest one in the South. Afterward he was 
elected secretary and treasurer of the Roane Iron Company, at Chattanooga, 
and subsequently became vice-president and general manager of their roll- 
ing mills and of their furnaces and mines, at Rockwood. 

In this capacity he served until January, 1884, when he resigned and 
became cashier of the First National Bank of Chattanooga. This place he 
resigned in August, 1884, and that fall was nominated by acclamation, and 
made the race, for Congress, in the Third District of Tennessee, against the 
Hon. John R. Neil and 3,000 Democratic majority, and was defeated by only 
67 votes. 

In 1885, he took charge of the Chattanooga Car Foundry Co., and in 1886, 
purchased the property and has been sole proprietor of that business ever 
since. Mr. Evans has also many other business interests in Chattanooga, 

80 




H. Clay Evans. 



82 

and other places in Tennessee. He has been for twenty-five years actively 
engaged in the up-building of Chattanooga, and belongs to that active, ener- 
getic, stirring business element which has done so much to develop the 
natural resources of Tennessee. 

Mr. Evans is one of the original school commissioners that established 
the public schools of Chattanooga, in 1872. He was afterward President of 
the Board of School Commissioners. At first, he and his associates borrowed 
monev on their own individual credit, to run the schools, and to this first 
board is largely due the present efficient public school system of that city. 
Mr. Evans' first official appearance was in 1873, when he was elected 
Alderman. 

In 1880, he was again elected Alderman, and devoted himself particularly 
to the city's financial affairs, with the result that its paper, which was worth 
only fifty cents on the dollar, speedily rose to par. He was reelected and 
afterward was Mayor of the city for two terms. 

In 1888, the Republicans again nominated him for Congress, and he de- 
feated Hon. C. F. Bates by 288 votes. 

The Democrats undertook to prevent his being seated by amended re- 
turns from Rhea and Meigs counties, and Governor Taylor, upon representa- 
tion of politicians, signed the certificate of election for Mr. Bates, without 
seeing the returns, but refused to deliver the certificate that night. 

Mr. Evans, being advised by wire of what was being done, hastened to 
Nashville, arriving early the next morning, and, appearing before the Gov- 
ernor, warned him that the move was a flagrant attempt to steal his seat. 
Although of opposite political faith, Governor Taylor was a fair man, and 
after investigating the matter, gave his decision that Mr. Evans was entitled 
to the certificate. Then his opponents, through Chancellor Allison, secured 
an injunction, restraining the Governor from granting the certificate. Upon 
a hearing, however, the Chancellor decided he had no jurisdiction, where- 
upon an appeal was taken to the Supreme Court, where the final decision 
was in Mr. Evans' favor. 

In 1890, the Republicans renominated him for Congress, but the district 
had been gerrymandered, so as to give it was thought, at least 1,500 
Democratic majority ; but when the votes were counted Mr. Evans was de- 
feated by only 523 votes. 

In 1891, the district was again gerrymandered, so as to have 2,700 ap- 
parent Democratic majority ; and again Mr. Evans ran and was defeated by 
only 949 votes, while President Cleveland had nearly 2,700 majority. 

in Congress, Mr. Evans was a valuable working member, and was made a 
member of the Committees on Post Offices and Post Roads, Banking and 
Currency, and Patents; and Chairman of Sub-Committees on Extension of 
Patents and Postal Telegraphy. 

To Mr. P. vans' efforts, very largely, was due the passage of the anti-lot- 
tery law, which was the death of the Louisiana State Lottery, the most cor- 
rupt and corrupting in its influences, of any class or species of gambling. The 
better element of Louisiana's people were anxious to rid the State of the 
disgrace, ami United States Senator White, of Louisiana (now assistant Jus- 
tice of the U. S. Supreme Court), took occasion to call upon Mr. Evans in 
person and cordially thank him on behalf of the people of Louisiana, for his 
efforts in this matter. 



83 

During Mr. Evans' term of service in the Fifty-third Congress, he con- 
tributed most largely to the passage of the law authorizing the " Chicka- 
mauga and Chattanooga, National Military Park," and securing of an appro- 
priation for the purchase of 6,000 acres of land, necessary for that purpose. 
This Park will be, when completed, one of the greatest object lessons in the 
world, for students of military affairs. 

He also did much work in the Committee on Post Offices and Post 
Roads, of the Fifty-first Congress, toward establishing a postal savings 
system throughout the United States, and this bill was favorably reported by 
the general committee. 

He was appointed First Assistant Postmaster-General, by President Har- 
rison, succeeding Gen. Whitfield, closing up the business for that bureau for 
that administration, and at the urgent request of the succeeding Postmaster- 
General, remained and served in same capacity for nearly three months under 
the Democrotic administration. 

In 1S94, the Republican Convention in Tennessee, nominated him for 
Governor, and at the count of the votes it was found that 105,134 had been 
cast for Mr. Evans, and 104,350 for Mr. Turney, the Democratic nominee. 
This would elect Mr. Evans by 784 votes. The legislature being Democratic, 
they, in canvassing the returns, threw out enough to seat Mr. Turney. This 
together with his previous running record, and his well-known ability, 
has brought Mr. Evans forward as a formidable candidate for the Vice- 
Presidency. 

Mr. Evans has held many positions of honor and trust, disbursing mil- 
lions of dollars, and he has never held one of any kind, but that it was carried 
out faithfully to the letter as well as in spirit. 



WILLIAM FREEMAN VILAS. 

POSTMASTER-GENERAL, Secretary of the Interior and United States 
Senator ; these the positions which the subject of this sketch has 
filled acceptably to the people of this country. He was born July 
9th, 1840, near a mountain-top in the town of Chelsea, in Vermont, 
on a farm which his father and grandfather had wrested from the forest sides 
of Mount Sterling. Mr. Vilas' father was named Levi B. and his mother 
was Esther G. (Smiiie) Vilas. His grandfather emigrated to Vermont, from 
Connecticut, and was one of those sturdy men who, while cultivating a 
sterile soil, helped to make New England famous. His grandfather on his 
mother's side was Nathan Smiiie, noted as an acute man, broad and wise in 
mind, and a leader in his party in the State and for man)- years in its 
Legislature. 

Levi B. Vilas, born and bred in a farm house on that mountain side, 
early thirsted for knowledge, and with indomitable purpose, set out at the 
age of sixteen, to trudge to Randolph, sixty miles away, where there was a 
school in which he could satisfy his ambition Here he laid the foundation 
upon which was built a brilliant career as lawyer, legislator and citizen. 
Having won a comfortable independence, he resolved to remove to Madi- 
son, Wis., and there educate his five sons, all of whom took degrees at the 
State University. 

William F. Vilas took his degree in the regular classical course in 1858, 
and though exceedingly studious, was not averse to taking a share in the 
college sports. Leaving the University in 1859, he took a course of instruc- 
tion in a commercial school, meantime studying law. He then attended 
the Albany Law School, graduating in May, 1S60, and was admitted to the 
bar of New York State. Returning to Wisconsin, he was admitted to prac- 
tice in the Supreme Court, and at twenty years of age argued his first case. 
On the 9th of July, he formed a law partnership with Charles T. Wakely, to 
which early in 1862, Eleazer Wakely was added as senior partner. Mr. Vilas 
had drilled with Colonel Ellsworth, then Captain of the Madison Zouaves, 
and in July, 1S62, tendered his services to Governor Salomon, who accepted 
them; whereupon he raised Company A, of the 23d Wisconsin Infantry 
Volunteers. He was sent in September to Covington, Ky. , and thence to 
Memphis, to join Sherman in an expedition to Vicksburg. While at Mem- 
phis, Captain Vilas nearly lost his life from an attack of typhoid fever ; but 
luckily, having a cousin in the city, he was carefully nursed, and in a few 
weeks was convalescent, whereupon he rejoined his regiment and partici- 
pated in the Vicksburg campaign. While at Milliken's Bend, he was pro- 
moted to Major and Lieutenant-Colonel. He participated in the battles at 
Port Gibson, Champion Hill, Black River Bridge and at the assault upon 
Vicksburg, commanding the regiment. The day following the surrender, he 
marched with Sherman 111 pursuit of Johnston. Soon afterward he returned 
to Vicksburg and was sent in command of his regiment to Carrollton, near 
Xew Orleans, La. Here the command remained several weeks in idleness; 
and having received word from home that his father was likely to lose his 

84 




William F. Vilas. 



estate, owing to litigation, he resigned and returned to Madison. He set- 
tled down in 1865, to the practice of the law again, in which he very shortly 
made his mark. 

From 1S72 to 1881, his partner was Edwin E. Bryant, later Dean of the 
Law Faculty, of the State University. Before this partnership expired, Mr. 
Vilas had accumulated a large fortune, and was recognized in the Northwest 
as one of the soundest lawyers of the country. 

In 1868, upon the opening of the law school of the University, Mr. Vilas 
was chosen as one of the professors, and regularly lectured for seventeen 
years. He was also a regent of the University from 1880 to 1885. 

Ever since i860, he has taken part on the stump in every political cam- 
paign as a Democrat, and has done as much as any other man to keep his 
party in fighting trim, while for many years in a hopeless minority. He was 
a Delegate to the Democratic National Conventions of 1876, 1880 and 1884, 
being permanent Chairman of the last named, and made the address of noti- 
fication of nomination, to Cleveland and Hendricks. In 1884, Mr. Vilas was 
elected to the State Legislature, and while there was appointed Postmaster- 
General by President Cleveland. 

When Mr. Lamar, Secretary of the Interior, was made a Justice of the 
Supreme Court, he was transferred to the Interior Department, which posi- 
tion he occupied from January 16th, 1S88, to March 6th, 1889. 

While Postmaster-General, he refused to expend the appropriation of 
the Forty-eighth Congress for subsidizing the ocean mail service. His ac- 
tion, of course, met with severe criticism, but the succeeding Congress sus- 
tained him in his position. 

After his retirement as Secretary of the Interior, he returned home and 
resumed his law practice ; but the State campaign of 1890, once again allured 
him to the stump, from which he made speeches daily for three weeks. 
The result of the campaign was a Democratic Legislature, after thirty-five 
years of waiting, and William F.Vilas was elected to the United States Senate, 
for the term commencing March 4th, 1891, and ending March 3d, 1897. 
He has a national reputation as an orator, and his speech to the toast, 
" Our First Commander," at the meeting of the Army of the Tennessee, at 
Chicago in 1879, is an American classic. 

Mr. Vilas is a man of large intellect, great capacity for facts, a logical 
mind to array them, so they will tell when he faces an audience ; and that 
manner which arrests and then commands attention. 

He is a man of good presence, affable, sociable and democratic in his 
ways; as courteous to the poor as to the rich; a good citizen, neighbor, 
fr end. Say what we may of our public men as to their political action, this 
country has yet to produce a prominent man who is a ' snob." 

Mr. Vilas evidently believes he is a man of the people, and when he is 
elected toa high office, he is not above being their servant. He doeshisduty 
as he sees it, and is above resorting to tricks or devious ways; a man of 
honor, strict integrity and great ability. 




Cushman K. Davis. 



CUSHMAN K. DAVIS. 

SENATOR DAVIS was born in the town of Henderson, Jefferson 
county, N. Y., June 16th, 1838. His parents were in comfortable 
circumstances, and resolved that he should have a thorough educa- 
tion. He laid the foundation for it in the common schools ; and 
when far enough advanced, entered the University of Michigan, at Ann 
Arbor, where he graduated in June, 1857. Mr. Davis was an apt scholar, 
quick to learn, with a most retentive memory, and an inclination for the 
study of philosophy, the classics and the languages. His speeches reveal 
the tendency of his mind, and are worthy models for those who would study 
the niceties of language. 

After graduating, he studied law, and was admitted to the bar. He re- 
moved to Wisconsin and served as First Lieutenant in the Twenty-eighth 
Wisconsin Infantry Volunteers from 1862 to 1864. After the war he emi- 
grated to Minnesota, settling in St. Paul, and was elected to the Minnesota 
Legislature in 1867. He was United States District Attorney, 1868 to 1S73, 
and Governor of Minnesota in 1874 and 1875. Senator Davis is, without a 
shadow of doubt, one of the best lawyers in the Northwest, and it is said 
that by strict attention to practice he can easily earn $50,000 per annum. 

He early took a leading place at the bar in Minnesota, and at the same 
time a prominent place in politics. He is not only a forceful, convincing 
and logical speaker, but an eloquent one, swaying his audience by his fervid 
speech. 

The Legislature of Minnesota elected him United States Senator, to suc- 
ceed Hon. S.J. R. McMillan, and he took his seat March 4th, 1887. He 
was reelected for the term 1893 to 1S99. In politics Mr. Davis is a Republi- 
can, and one of deep convictions. He is a student now, as he has been dur- 
ing his past years, and hence is not a narrow, bigoted partisan. He realizes 
full well that in this great, progressive nation, new issues are constantly be- 
ing made and new ideas evolved. He is always ready to meet them, as he 
keeps abreast of the times ; and he possesses that philosophic, judicial and 
trained mind that leads to just decisions npon all governmental and political 
subjects ; and having made his conclusions, he has the ability to maintain 
them. 




William L. Wilson. 



WILLIAM LYNE WILSON. 

A~TAi US distinguished gentleman was born near Middleway, Jefferson 

county, Virginia (now West Virginia), May 3d, 1843, and after a 

-*- preparatory schooling, entered Columbian College (now University), 

Washington, where he graduated in i860, when only seventeen 

years of age. 

Leaving Washington, he entered the University of Virginia, and left it 
to enter the Confederate army. 

Mr. Wilson as a scholar, was evidently drawn to Belles-lettres and phi- 
lology, as we find him at the early age of twenty-four years, professor of the 
Latin language and Literature, in Columbian University, which professorship 
he occupied from 1867 until 1871. 

Previous to this he had studied law and been admitted to the bar. While 
a professor, he made exhaustive study of political economy and politics, 
and is to-day, probably the best posted public man in the country upon the 
science of government, the history of our government, and that of other 
nations. Mr. Wilson's mind is analytical and philosophic ; and his mastery 
of languages and his diction enable him to charm readers as well as hearers. 

He resigned his professorship to practice law, and as is not unusual 
with men of his talents, he soon became entangled in politics, and in 18S0 
was Elector-at-Large on the Hancock ticket. In 1S82, was chosen President 
of the State University. While occupying this position, he was elected to 
the United States House of Representatives, and reelected five consecutive 
terms. 

Mr. Wilson's record in the House is as well known as that of any con- 
temporaneous statesman of the period. Being placed upon the Committee 
upon Ways and Means, he quickly became a guiding force in all economic 
legislation, and soon, as chairman of that committee, the leader of his party 
upon the floor of the House. 

He introduced and carried through the House the bill for repeal of the 
Sherman law. He mainly prepared and introduced the tariff bill, which, 
taking his name, became the subject of more praise on the one hand and 
more condemnation on the other, than any measure that has been presented 
to Congress in very many years. 

He passed it through the House, after a stormy debate ; but when it 
reached the Senate, it was amended and changed in many particulars, as the 
McKinley bill had likewise been in the previous Congress. 

Upon the subject of the tariff, Mr. Wilson has most pronounced views, 
ami has done much to educate his part)- to his way of thinking. In every- 
thing he does, he displays the trained mind, the thoughtful man, the con- 
cise and the logical thinker. He is never verbose ; he knows what to say 
and in just how few words to say it. As they say upon the stage, " he never 
plays to the galleries ; " he realizes that this matter of government affects 
nearly seventy millions of people, and he believes his views, if given effect, 
would lift the burden of indirect taxation. 

He has been a hard worker, and in the last session of Congress his 
health gave way under the strain. 

'.Mi 



After the adjournment of Congress lie rapidly recuperated ; and when 
Hon. Wilson S. Bissell resigned his position as Postmaster-General, Presi- 
dent Cleveland promptly tendered the portfolio to Mr. Wilson. He ac 
cepted, and entered upon the duties of his oihee in April, [895. He has 
conducted the business of his department wisely and economically, and has 
received praise from sonic of his political opponents in Congress. 

Mr. Wilson is a graceful speaker, but is better known as a worker. A 
man of integrity, indomitable purpose, great ability, it remains with the 
future to disclose what higher position he will take with the people of this 
country. 

He is a member of several learned societies, a regent of the Smith- 
sonian Institution, and a trustee of the John F. Slater fund, and has received 
the degree of LL-D. from several colleges and universities, among the num- 
ber, Columbian University, and the University of Mississippi, and Tulare 
University, New Orleans. 

He was Permanent President of the National Democratic Convention, 
at Chicago, in 1892, a graceful recognition on the part of his political asso- 
ciates, of his leadership in the House and championship of revenue reform, 
called for in previous national platforms of his party. 



HENRY M. TELLER. 

THIS gentleman was born in Allegheny count}-, New York, May 23d, 
1830. His ancestors came to this country from Holland, settling in 
New York State. His father was a farmer in comfortable circum- 
stances, and gave him an excellent education. After his student 
daj'S were over, he studied law, and was admitted to the bar in New York 
State. In 1S5S, he removed to Illinois, and practiced for three years in that 
State. In 1861, he emigrated to Colorado, settling in Central City, then one 
of the principal mining towns of the Territory. He w T as not long in gaining 
a large and lucrative practice, to which he applied himself assiduously, 
though often asked to take a hand in politics. He refused to become a can- 
didate for anj' office, until in 1S76, Colorado became the Centennial State, 
when he entered the lists and was chosen United States Senator. He drew 
the short term, ending March 3d, 1877, but the Legislature again elected him 
for the term ending March 3d, 18S3. In April, 1882, he was asked to take a 
seat in the Cabinet, as Secretary of the Interior, by President Arthur. 
He was averse to leaving the Senate, and so said, but the political and per- 
sonal pressure became so great he reluctantly consented, and served until 
March 3d, 1885, when he again took a seat in the Senate, having been 
elected to succeed Hon. Nathaniel P. Hill. His administration of the Inte- 
rior Department, the most complex of any Department of our Government, 
met with Congressional and public approval, and materially added to his 
reputation, establishing him as a fine executive officer. In 1891, Mr. Teller 
was reelected United States Senator, without opposition in his own party. 
As a Senator, he has materially aided in the legislation of the period, being 
Chairman of the Committee on Pensions, Patents, Mines and Mining, and a 
member of the Committee on Claims. While a Republican, Mr. Teller dif- 
fers with many of his party upon the silver question. He believes in the 
free coinage of silver, at an established ratio of sixteen to one. He is a 
moderate tariff man, believing the duties on imports should be adjusted to 
the needs of the treasury for the economical administration of the Govern- 
ment ; that it should be incidentally a protection to American labor and 
manufactures, but should not create trusts or monopolies. 

Mr. Teller is an affable gentleman, easilv approached, and thoroughly 
a man of the people. He is a good speaker, and can maintain his end of 
the argument at all times. 



92 




H. M. Teller. 



JOHN TYLER MORGAN. 

HON. JOHN T. MORGAN, now United States Senator from Alabama, 
was born in Athens, Tennessee, June 20th, 1824. His family moved 
to Alabama in 1833, and were among the pioneers in that section 
of the State. His father, George Morgan, was of the same Welsh 
stock as the famous Revolutionary hero, General Morgan, and the daring 
Confederate Cavalry leader, John H. Morgan. 

He received an academic education, and became a good Latin scholar 
before he was nine years old. In 1845, he was admitted to the bar, and 
practiced his profession until he became a United States Senator. During 
these vears of active practice of his profession, he gained the reputation of 
being one of the very best and a leading member of the Southern bar. 

In i860, Senator Morgan was a Breckinridge and Lane Elector-at-Large ; 
and in 1861, a member of the Alabama Secession Convention. When the 
war broke out, he enlisted as a private soldier, and served successively as 
private, Major, Lieutenant-Colonel, and Brigadier-General of Infantry, re- 
signing the latter position to rejoin his regiment, the Colonel of which had 
been killed in battle. Subsequently, he acted as Brigadier-General of Cav- 
alry until the close of the war. 

He was a gallant soldier, and participated in the great campaigns of the 
west, doing his duty fearlessly, and stimulating his men by his personal 
bearing when under fire. 

After the war he returned to his home and resumed the practice of law, 
and in 1874 was chosen Elector-at-Large on the Tilden and Hendricks ticket. 
The same year he was elected United States Senator, and reelected in 1882, 
1888 and 1894. His great strength with his people, and their estimation of 
his character, is best shown by his successive reflections to the Senate, 
without his ever having asked for a vote. Senator Morgan is recognized as 
a man very learned in the law ; especially so in Constitutional and Inter- 
national law. For this reason he was selected, with Justice John M. Harlan, 
as an Arbitrator for the United States, before the Bering Sea Tribunal. In 
thai august body, he was found able to cope with the distinguished jurists 
and diplomats of England, France, Canada, Italy and Sweden and Norway. 

He is a skilful pleader and a most successful advocate ; is ready in de- 
bate, fluent in speech, a close student, and has a vast fund of knowledge to 
draw upon ; in fact, bis versatility seems unbounded, for he is equally at 
home when pleading a common law case, a point of Constitutional law or an 
intricate and tangled case of international law. He is, in matters relating 
to our foreign affairs, considered by the Senators upon both sides of the 
chamber as an authority. 

Before the reorganization of the Senate Committees, during the pres- 
— ion of Congress, he was Chairman of the Committee upon Foreign 

irs. The country ran ill afford to spare him from its councils. 

','1 




J. T. Morgan. 



STEPHEN BENTON ELKINS. 

THIS trusted friend of the late James G. Blaine, and Republican Sen- 
ator from West Virginia, was born in Perry county, Ohio, Septem- 
ber 26th, 1S41. His ancestors were Virginians, and his grandfather 
a man of considerable wealth and prominence, and a slave owner. 
He sympathized, however, with President Jefferson's emancipation scheme, 
and, in consequence, removed to Ohio, and bought a large amount of .land 
in the southern part of the State. Among other property, he owned 3,000 
acres in the Hocking Valley, now worth probably $2,000,000. It is in the 
very heart of the coal measures which have made the valley famous ; it 
was sold by the senior Mr. Elkins for "little or nothing." The present 
Mr. Elkins was born near where General Phil. Sheridan and General Jerry 
Rusk saw the light. His parents subsequently removed to Missouri, where 
he received his education in the public schools until far enough advanced 
to be sent to the University of Missouri, where he graduated in i860 ; having 
chosen the law as his profession, he studied and was admitted to the bar in 
1863. The same year, "Westward ho!" captivated his imagination, and 
he crossed the plains, then a formidable undertaking, for there is a vast deal 
of difference between going in a prairie schooner, drawn by oxen or mules, 
and a Pullman sleeper, especially when one might encounter Indians bent 
upon a " scalp raising expedition ; " en route he studied Spanish, and soon 
after reaching New Mexico was proficient in the language. There he 
practiced his profession with great success and profit, being employed 
specially in the Maxwell land grant case. 

Though he has not been of late years actually engaged in the practice 
of the law, he stands well with that learned profession. In 1S66, he was 
elected to the Legislature, and shortly afterward was made Attorney-Gen- 
eral of New Mexico. In 1868, President Johnson appointed him United 
States District Attorney, in which position he won lasting reputation by 
the strict enforcement of the laws, especially that one, providing that there 
shall not be slavery or involuntary servitude in the territories or District of 
Columbia ; by his efforts several thousand peons or slaves held by the Mexi- 
cans, were set at liberty. He was the first to put the act into effective 
operation. 

In 1873, he was elected Delegate in Congress from New Mexico, beat- 
ing his opponent, a native Mexican, by 4,000 votes. He was nominated 
and elected to the next Congress, though traveling in Europe at the time. 

During Ins first term he was made a member of the Republican National 
Committee, and served thereon twelve consecutive years. In Congress he 
was noted for his industry, ability and support of important measures. He 
made an earnest and impassioned speech for the admission of New Mexico 
into the Union ; it attracted general attention and established him as an 
ardent Logical, reason er and debater. He secured the passage of an enabling 
acl 111 the House by a two-thirds vote ; it also passed the Senate, but with 
an amendment to which the House would not agree. In the House Mr. 
dnsbecame the trusted personal friend of James G. Blaine, whose nomina- 
tion tor President in [884 lie did much to secure. In 1SS8, he was very in- 
strumental 111 the nomination of Benjamin Harrison for President, and by 

96 




Stephen B. Elkins. 



98 

his success became ranked as one of the most sagacious, skilful, and force- 
ful leaders of his party in the Nation. 

Though Mr. Elkins has done much hard work in politics, it is perhaps, 
his minor role, as he has been par excellence the man of business ; not 
merely the accumulator of money, but the sagacious, clear-headed man 
who has gone into the rugged fastnesses of nature, and from the stored rock 
and minerals lying inert and worthless, has wrested fortune to his own and 
his fellows good. Stephen B. Elkins, the politician, the statesman ; Stephen 
B. Elkins, the developer of hidden resources ; the employer of labor ; the 
builder of highways and the founder of communities ; the one a political 
man and the other a business man, successful in either role ; of which shall 
the most praise be said? His rare organizing and executive abilities have 
left their impress upon a State and given to geography a name to perpetuate 
him. While in New Mexico, he was, for years, the President of the First 
National Bank of Santa Fe, and so successful was his management he be- 
came known among the financiers of Philadelphia and New York. In the 
territory he became an extensive land owner, and also a mine owner in 
Colorado ; but his latest and greatest adventures have been among the 
mountains whose peaks cast shadows into the Potomac, up whose valleys 
nearly one hundred and fifty years ago the Father of His Country wended 
his way, compass in hand. First known, overlooked, neglected, it was 
reserved for this man who had worked in the shadows of the Continental 
divide, to come, to see, to conquer. 

Through the serried hills his railroads run, bearing to market the black 
diamonds. A town snuggles by the base of an everlasting hill, and they call 
it by his name. Off on a lofty crest his mansion overlooks the leaping river 
and the narrow valley, through which the iron horse drags his load to the 
markets of the world. 

In all that Mr. Elkins does he is practical ; wealth with him means 
employment of men ; the opening up of waste places ; the diffusion of 
modern intelligence. In thinking and writing of Mr. Elkin's mastery of 
the forces of nature we have lost sight of his political record. In December, 
1891, he became Secretary of War, and so administered his office as to win 
the enconiums of even his political foes. He has the rare gift of seeing a 
thing at once ; knowing how and when to direct ; hence is an executive officer. 

In 18S8, he delivereda very thoughtful, eloquent and forcible address be- 
fore the University of West Virginia upon the subject of ' 'American Civiliza- 
tion." It was patriotic ; it was eloquent ; it was learned. His manners are 
pleasing and popular ; in his tastes he is scholarly and refined. He realizes, 
the writer thinks, that to remain a scholar one must always be a scholar. The 
world moves ; the thought of the world progresses ; new issues are constantly 
arising, and the man who keeps up with "the procession" must study; 
hence Mr. Elkins is a student. He is seldom seen at clubs or hotels ; he is 
domestic, cither at home with his family, or in his library, or abroad on busi- 
ness. He is a large man, over six feet high, with well rounded figure, full, 
broad chest, and large head on powerful shoulders. He is a linguist ; Greek, 
Latin, Spanish and French are to him open books ; he need not ask the trans- 
lator to tell him what the thinkers of other countries say. In 1894, the State 
of West Virginia, largely through his endeavors became Republican, and 
when the Legislature met they chose Mr. Elkins as United States Senator, 
to succeed Hon. Johnson N. Camden. His term will expire March 3d, 1901. 




W. M. Stewart. 



WILLIAM MORRIS STEWART. 

ONE of the first men that strangers, visiting the Senate of the United 
States, ask to have pointed out, is the senior Senator from Nevada, 
because his sturdy defense of silver has made him one of the most- 
talked-about men in the United States. He was born in Lyons, 
Wayne county, N. Y., August 9th, 1827, but when he was six years old his 
family removed to Trumbull county, Ohio, where he attended the common 
schools and Farmington Academy. Returning to Lyons, he prepared for 
college in the Union School, and through his own exertions and the aid of 
Mr. James C. Smith, a young lawyer, who afterward became a Judge of the 
Supreme Court of New York, entered Yale College, where he remained 
until 1850, when he went to California by way of the Isthmus of Panama. 
From the age of thirteen, Mr. Stewart had to support himself by manual 
labor and teaching school. He early determined to obtain an education and 
study law, and he had to overcome many obstacles in order to succeed in 
his purpose. Arriving in San Francisco, May 7th, 1850, he resolved to en- 
gage in mining, in order to obtain funds to tide him over until he could 
engage in the practice of his contemplated profession. For two years he 
prospected, mined and built canals, constructing one which was twenty 
miles in length, and is still in use in Nevada count}', Cal. It was surveyed 
by him in 185 1, and constructed along the mountain sides by the aid of rude 
levels made by himself. Early in 1852, he commenced to study law, and 
was admitted to practice the following fall. He was appointed District 
Attorney of Nevada county, and in 1853, was elected to the same office, 
and in 1854, was appointed Attorney-General of California, serving for six 
months ; certainly a wonderful record for a lawyer who was almost self- 
taught in the science, and had practiced less than two years. 

In 1855, Mr. Stewart married Annie E. Foote, daughter of Hon. Henry 
S. Foote, the Mississippi Senator and statesman, then a citizen of the 
Golden State. From 1855 to i860, he was a leader at a bar famous for the 
ability of its members, and rapidly acquired not only money, but fame as a 
practitioner. Upon the discovery of the famous Comstock lode, in i860, he 
removed to Virginia City, Nev., where he was immediately retained by the 
original lode claimants. The Comstock lode, some miles in length, was 
indicated on the surface by croppings several hundred feet in width. The 
first locators, according to rules and regulations which they made, claimed 
tlie same with all its dips, spurs and angles. A population of 15,000, soon 
gathered, and thousands of claims were located parallel to the original ones, 
under the assumption that the Comstock was a system of parallel veins, 
and not a single lode. Mr. Stewart contended from the first for the latter 
idea, his view being termed the "one lode theory." The result was the 
most important mining litigation in history, and Mr. Stewart won the bat- 
tle, the title of the original locators being judicially confirmed ; he, very 
naturally, became an authority in mining law, and his services were in 
great demand. 

100 



101 

Being a Union man and a Republican, he took part in the contest to 
determine whether Utah and California should remain loyal to the Union 
or not, for there was a powerful faction, headed by Dr. Gwin and others, 
seeking their secession. These were exciting times, and Mr. Stewart was 
induced to serve a year in the territorial council assisting in the organiza- 
tion of the territorial government, framed in 1861, and was a member of 
the Constitutional Convention of 1863. The next year Nevada was admitted 
as a State into the Union, and Mr. Stewart was elected the first Senator, his 
colleague, Gov. James W. Nye, being elected the next day. He served five 
years, and was reelected in 1869, but his fortune having become impaired) 
he declined a reelection for the term 1875 to 1881. Those years, eleven in 
number, of his first service in the United States Senate, embraces a large 
part of the most notable portion of American political, financial and eco- 
nomic history. 

An active supporter of the war legislation, he, before the Fourteenth 
Amendment was adopted, prepared a plan of reconstruction, which pro- 
vided for universal amnesty and suffrage. By this plan the Southern States 
could have prevented suffrage restrictions, because of participation in the 
Rebellion, and voters of the same class that supported secession could have 
brought their States back into the Union, simply by providing that there- 
after there should be no restriction of the right of suffrage on account of 
race, color or previous condition of servitude ; it was not adopted. When 
General Grant was elected President, Mr. Stewart, as a member of the 
Judiciary Committee, wrote, reported and secured the adoption of the 
Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution, being aided therein by the influ- 
ence of the President. He is the author of our mining laws, recognizing 
and continuing all local mining regulations then in existence. These have 
grown into a system of common law, admirably adapted to the use of our 
mining communities. From 1848 to 1866, all locators were trespassers ; 
but Senator Stewart contended that non-action had created equities that 
rested upon the broad principles of natural right ; the view prevailed. 

On retiring from the Senate in 1875, he resumed practice and set about 
restoring his fortune ; in this he was successful, and so, when called upon 
in 1S86 to again become a Senator, he accepted, and since has been reelected 
for the term ending in 1899. He has devoted a great deal of study and time 
to the cause of the remonetization of silver and its free coinage, and to irri- 
gation. These two subjects he regards as of greatest importance, the one 
affording sufficient currency to do the business of the country, the other 
successfully applied, furnishing homes to hundreds of thousands of people 
and causing the desert to blossom and bear fruit. 

He is independent sometimes of part}' behests, for when in the Fifty- 
first Congress the Republican party became committed to the Federal Elec- 
tions bill, he opposed it. He is like a large share of the Western states- 
men, a tariff man only as it is necessary to provide revenue for the ex- 
penses of the Government and the protection of American labor. He 
believes that the strictest economy should be practiced, and is against 
paternalism, trusts and monopolies. 

Mr. Stewart wears a flowing beard, which is now white ; has a florid 
complexion, keen, blue eyes, and is massive of frame and above the aver- 
age stature. He is of striking appearance, and with age, has rounded out 



102 

sufficiently to give him a finely proportioned form. He makes no claim to 
being an orator, but is a most effective and convincing speaker. He is a 
man of full, active brain, a good judge of men, a constant reader, ready of 
speech, choice in his language, and of open courage. He has a mellow, 
strong voice, and is peculiarly effective in off-hand debate, as his sentences 
are pointed, incisive and often axiomatic. Courteous in manner, he is 
democratic in habits and sympathies, and has great kindness of heart. 




Don Cameron. 



JAMES DONALD CAMERON. 

THE present senior Senator from Pennsylvania, was born at Middle- 
town, Dauphin county, Pa., May 14th, 1833. He is a son of the 
late Hon. Simon Cameron, who was Secretary of War, Minister to 
Russia, and for nearly twenty years United States Senator. 

The subject of this sketch, after the necessary preparatory schooling, 
entered Princeton College, where he graduated in 1852, when but nineteen 
years of age. This fact proves that he must have been studious aud indus- 
trious in his early life, as he has been in his later years. 

After graduation, he entered the Middletown Bank (now National Bank 
of Middletown) as a clerk ; but displaying aptitude for finances, was soon 
promoted to Cashier, and then to President. 

Early in life he was very successful in several business enterprises, and 
laid the foundation for a large fortune. In 1863, he was elected President of 
the Northern Central Railway, which, in very large measure, owed its exist- 
ence to the foresight, energy and wealth of his distinguished father. This 
position he relinquished in 1874, when the Pennsylvania Railroad, came into 
possession of the property. In May, 1S76, General Grant made him Secre- 
tary of War, which position he held until the close of the administration. 

Mr. Cameron was a delegate to the Republican National Conventions, of 
1868 and 1876. In the latter convention he was very influential, and the 
leaders of the party, recognizing his abilities as an organizer, made him 
Chairman of the National Committee. He was again a delegate in 18S0. 
Meantime his father resigned his seat in the United States Senate, and he 
was elected to succeed him, taking his seat October 15th, 1877, when only 
forty-four years of age. It is rarely the case in our history, that a son suc- 
ceeds his father in that august body ; and it is a remarkable coincidence that 
both father and son should also have been Secretary of War. Mr. Cameron 
has been reelected to the Senate three times since, his present term expiring 
March 3d, 1897. In an open letter he has declined to again become a 
candidate. 

He is not an oratorical member of the Senate, though he says tersely 
and well, that which he delivers. He is rather a working member, and does 
his full share of committee duties. During his service as a Senator, he has 
been a member of the Committee on Coast Defences, to inquire into all 
claims of the United States against Nicaragua, on the committee upon the 
five civilized tribes of Indians, Military Affairs, Chairman of Committee 
upon Naval Affairs, and active upon other committees appointed upon 
special subjects. 

He has large interests in various enterprises in Pennsylvania and owns 
mauy valuable farms in Dauphin and Cumberland counties. He has a 
magnificent home in Harrisburg, fronting on the Susquehanna River, and 
a nice residence on Lafayette Square, Washington, D. C. 

104 



105 

Although a wealthy man, a capitalist, a lender, rather than a borrower, 
he has by vote and speech, signified his belief in bi-metalism. He wants to 
see silver circulating side by side with gold, and lie has not hesitated to say so. 

Mr. Cameron has been twice happily married, his fust wife being Miss 
Mary McCormick, a representative of a prominent Pennsylvania family. 
She died in 1S74, and four vears afterward he married Kli/.abcth Sherman, 
daughter of Judge Sherman and niece of the late General Sherman and 
Senator John Sherman, of Ohio. 

Mr. Cameron is independent in his thought and sturdy in his convic- 
tions. No one can accuse him of moral cowardice or venality. He is a 
kind father and a loving husband ; a good type of the best American citizen. 



WILLIAM VINCENT ALLEN. 

MR. ALLEN was born at Midway, Madison county, Ohio, January 
'28th, 1847. When only ten years of age his parents removed to 
Iowa, where he attended the common schools and later, for a 
time,' the Upper Iowa University, at Fayette, but did not gradu- 
ate Like most country lads, Mr. Allen had to work in his boyhood days, 
early acquiring the knowledge that he must be the architect of his own for- 
tune. When nothing but a boy, the war of the Rebellion came on, stirring 
bis patriotic impulses to such a degree we find him within a uniform of 
blue, carrying a gun in the ranks of Company G, 3 2d Iowa Infantry Volun- 
teers. He did a soldier's full duty until the war closed, the last five months 
being upon the staff of General Jas. I. Gilbert. Returning home, he read 
law at West Union, and was admitted to the bar in 1869. For twelve years 
lie practiced his profession in Iowa, then removed to Nebraska, where, after 
making his reputation in a new field as a true and able counsellor, he was 
elected by the people, Judge of the District Court, Ninth Judicial Circuit. 
Mr. Allen has always preferred to be known as a man of the people ; his 
sympathies go out to the men who fight the battles of life and conquer dif- 
ficulties by the force of their unaided exertions ; that clear the wilderness 
by their brawn and direct the destinies of the new communities by their 
brain. When the old parties, in his judgment, failed to give relief from 
onerous taxation to the people, and would not accord sufficient currency 
to meet the requirements of business, he joined the new People's party, 
and was the President of the Nebraska Populist Convention, of 1S92. Feb- 
ruary 7th, 1893, the party having a majority in the Legislature, he was 
elected United States Senator, to succeed Hon. A. G. Paddock, Republican. 
In the Senate, Mr. Allen has made a reputation as a fearless advocate of the 
free coinage of silver, at a ratio of sixteen to one. He is a good speaker, 
not afraid of a controversy with any Senator, and perfectly fearless in his 
advocacy of what lie believes is best for his constituents and the country. 



106 




W. V. Allen. 



WHARTON BARKER. 

WHARTON BARKER, son of Abraham and Sarah Wharton Barker, 
was born in Philadelphia May ist, 1S46. He is the grandson of 
Jacob Barker, the distinguished banker, merchant and states- 
man, who took an active part in public affairs and business from 
1800 to 1S68. Jacob Barker was born on Swan Island, Maine, in 1779, and 
died in Philadelphia in 1S72. He was a warm, personal friend of Alexander 
Hamilton, DeWitt Clinton, James Madison, Andrew Jackson and other lead- 
ing men of the day. He took the United States war loan of 1814 ($10,000,000) 
and supported President Madison with earnestness throughout the war. 
Although a citizen of Louisiana, he was always a consistent anti-slavery man. 
Jacob Barker and Benjamin Franklin were cousins. 

Mr. Abraham Barker, one of the most respected citizens of Philadelphia, 
has been a banker since 1837, and is still in full vigor of both mind and body. 
He is one of the charter members of the Union League 01" Philadelphia ; and 
during the war of 1860-65 was very active in all work looking to the ad- 
vancement of the cause of the Union, notably the work incident to putting 
in the field thirteen thousand colored soldiers. He believes that the cause 
of the great ruin and bankruptcy that is now seen on all sides is due to the 
demonetization of silver, and he is an ardent and effective coworker with his 
son in the effort to reestablish bimetalism. He is a man of strong convic- 
tions and of great energy. 

Wharton Barker is related on the Barker side to the Folgers, Hazards 
and Rodmans, and on the Wharton side to the Fishers, Rodmans and Red- 
woods, all distinguished families in New England and Pennsylvania from 
Colonial days to this time. 

In early childhood Wharton Barker was delicate, and could not attend 
school until his twelfth year. He was educated at the Latin School of 
Charles Short and at the University of Pennsylvania, where he took the 
degree of Bachelor of Arts in 1866 and of Master of Arts in 1869. He is one 
of the Trustees of the University of Pennsylvania, having been elected in 
1880, and was Treasurer from 18S1 to 1890. In 1S63 he, as a volunteer, had 
temporary command for three months of a company of the Third United 
States Colored Troops. He took an active part from the day he graduated 
at college in discussion of public affairs, and soon began to do political 
work. That he might have a means to discuss public questions to a larger 
audience than he could reach by tracts, he established in January, 1870, 
The Pom Monthly, a high-class magazine, devoted to literature, arts, 
science and politics, and continued its publication until the end of the 
year 1881. That he might have a still broader field and more frequent 
opportunity to make his views known, he established The American, a 
weekly national journal, and began its publication October 16, 1880. The 
American is now- recognized as the highest authority, and the editorials 
are frequently used on the floor of the Senate and House of Representatives 
of the United States; are reprinted in many newspapers in all sections of 
the country, and frequently made the basis of discussion by editors of the 

108 




Wharton Barker. 



110 

metropolitan press. Editorials from The American are translated and re- 
printed almost weekly in V Economiste European, of Paris, a paper edited 
by the distinguished French economist, Edmond Thery. 

Wharton Barker was much opposed to the nomination of General Grant 
for the Presidency for a third term, and took an active part in the move- 
ment that ended in his defeat at Chicago in 1880. He did not believe his 
work at that convention ended with the defeat of the General ; he thought 
he still had a duty to perform ; that he should present a candidate who could 
be elected. He brought out General Garfield, a man who he thought repre- 
sented the interests of the people. Judge Samuel W. Pennypacker, of 
Philadelphia, said at a memorial meeting of the Historical Society of Penn- 
sylvania, held shortly after the death of President Garfield, " no party con- 
vention ever had it in its power to affect more seriously the institutions of 
the country than that which assembled in Chicago in 18S0 to nominate a 
candidate for the Presidency. A few months earlier the selection of ex- 
President Grant had seemed inevitable. For two years a banker in Phila- 
delphia (Mr. Wharton Barker), with a taste for higher politics, had been 
urging the nomination of Mr. Garfield in the columns of the Penn Monthly, 
and making combinations looking to that result. On the first ballot Mr. 
Garfield had but one vote, that of a friend of the Philadelphia banker. On 
the thirty-sixth ballot he was nominated." 

In 1881 he, with Charles Wolfe and George E. Mapes, organized the 
revolt in the Legislature of Pennsylvania against the Quay-Cameron candidate 
for the United States Senate, that after a struggle of six weeks resulted in 
defeat of their candidate, Mr. Oliver, and in the election of Mr. Mitchell. 
In 1882 he organized the Independent Republican revolution against Quay 
and Cameron's dictation of the nomination of General Beaver and others for 
State offices. In 1884, he made an effort to nominate for President General 
Harrison, believing he was the only available Republican candidate; but fail- 
ing in that, he gave Mr. Blaine earnest support. March 29, 1S84, General Har- 
rison wrote Wharton Barker : "I ought to have acknowledged yours of the 
26th inst. sooner. But I have no information that would be of interest or 
use to you. I do not think there is any danger of any body crossing your 
plans, for I really think you are so far in the advance as to be almost lone- 
some. * * Again, June 12, 1884, General Harrison, writing at length 
on the result at the convention, said, among other things, "I think you 
know that I had much less enthusiasm and confidence than you ; possibly 
because I know your candidate better than you did." 

Mr. Blaine wrote Wharton Barker June 14, 1884: "I wish you would 
pack your grip-sack and come down here for a day or two, coming directly 
to my house. I have so many things to say to you that it is discouraging to 
begin on paper. If you gain no other pleasure from the trip I promise you 
a sight of the beautiful island where your eminent grandfather was born in 
1778 (I think), in the midst of the great struggle. It is but fifteen miles 
from my door. Come as early next week as your convenience will allow. 
The committee to advise me of my nomination will be here on the 20th, a 
good time for you to come. I refrain from giving thanks or suggesting 
plans. Hope to coverall points in our conference." 

Defeat of Blaine did not discourage Wharton Barker. He was convinced 
General Harrison could have been elected, and he went to work making 



Ill 

combinations that resulted in the nomination of Harrison in [888, in face of 
the opposition of politicians of the Quay-Sherman class. 

The extracts we have given from the letters of two as distinguished 
men as Blaine and Harrison are introduced to show that, statesmen as they 
were and practical politicians, they wished Mr. Barker's advice and the fruit 
of his judgment. They recognized that he was correct in his conclusions ; 
a good judge of men and measures, and fearless in the execution of that 
which he deems to be right. 

How fearless may perhaps be best illustrated by the statement that 
when General Harrison made his alliance with Senator Quay and Mr. 
John Wanamaker, disgusting all the Independent Republicans, and working 
on lines the gold cliques advocated, Wharton Barker went on with his con- 
tention in The American, criticising the administration, urging the adoption 
of an American policy, and the election of able and independent men to 
public office. 

In another portion of this work will be found the platform of the Ameri- 
can League, adopted Jauuary 2, 1S94. It was written by Mr. Barker. There 
seems to be no doubt now but that it will be the basis upon which bimetal- 
ists will rest their request for the support ot the American people in the 
present campaign. 

In 1S83, and until the assembly of the National Convention at Chicago 
in 1884, he opposed the nomination of Mr. Blaine, on the ground that he 
was not the best candidate, and that his election would be jeopardized by the 
vehement opposition to him that existed in his own party throughout the 
country. When, however, he had been nominated, and the choice lay be- 
tween him and Mr. Cleveland, who represented the principles against 
which he had contended for so long, Wharton Barker gave him an ardent 
and hopeful support, bringing to him the aggressive support of Irish Ameri- 
cans in New York and in other States. 

In 1885, 1886 and 1S87 he supported the policy of the Republican party 
in Congress, suggesting from time to time measures which, in the Chicago 
platform of 18S8, in the Senate tariff bill of that year, and in the McKinlcy 
bill of 1890, are nearly all embodied— the abolition of the sugar duties, as no 
longer a protective but simply a revenue measure, accompanied with the 
insistance (in which, for a long time, he stood substantially alone) that 111 
return for the opening of our markets to the sugar producing countries we 
should have an adequate return. 

Upon this point, indeed, reciprocity in trade relations, Wharton Barker 
outlined a definite and broad policy. In October, 1SS1, he proposed the 
creation of a Zollverein system with Canada, and this policy, since known as 
"Commercial Union" and " Unrestricted Reciprocity," was steadily advo- 
cated and explained by him, until— in the absence of any such, or, indeed, 
any statesmanlike adjustment of the differences between the two countries— 
our relations with Canada became so irritated as to make the subject for the 
time an unpractical one. In 18S3, six years before the clauses in the 
McKinley bill gave the plan of reciprocity Congressional approval, Wharton 
Barker, in The American, and in an open letter addressed to Senator Mor- 
rill, had pointed out the trade which we should secure from the West Indies 
and Central and South America through the concession to them of a removal 
of the sugar duties. 



112 

In 18S7 and 1888, Wharton Barker again urged the nomination of General 
Harrison ; again opposed that of Mr. Blaine and Senator Sherman, and when 
General Harrison was selected he supported him earnestly for election. 
During his administration Mr. Barker spoke with uniform terms of praise 
of those acts which were dignified and consistent with the principles declared 
for and by him ; on the other hand, he was compelled to condemn the many 
lapses from that line by which he surrendered so much to unworthy party 
managers and to the money cliques of the country ; and in the near relation 
which these circumstances had to the politics of Pennsylvania, he led the 
Independent Republicans in their support of the Democratic candidate for 
Governor in 1890, considering that this was the obvious duty of all citizens 
who cherished a just measure of persoual self-respect and a clear apprehen- 
sion of public duty. 

Wharton Barker has made no professions of that cosmopolitan magnan- 
imity which is said to lift a man above the narrow bounds of patriotic 
feeling. He has believed in our country first of all, in her greatness, her 
future, her essential moral soundness, and her capacity to outgrow or to 
reform what is wrong in her policy and her character. On purely political 
questions he has in general acted with the Republican party, but he has 
never hesitated to criticise its faults and shortcomings. Consequently with 
these general principles he has been at all times earnestly American. He 
has defended the policy of protection ; he has insisted on a just manliness of 
national character ; he has supported an adequate navy, and coast and har- 
bor defences ; he has condemned a servile attitude toward foreign powers ; 
he has advocated the encouragement of our ocean commerce by national 
aid ; and following out logically this policy of a dignified self-assertion in the 
American nation he has insisted on the national rights of other countries as 
well. He has upheld the cause of oppressed nationalities everywhere, and 
whenever a people called to be a nation is struggling with the yoke imposed 
by an alien power. Throughout the entire period of his taking part in public 
affairs he has never abated his advocacy of the right of the people of Ireland 
to such self-government as would express their just national aspirations. 

Wharton Barker has maintained the policy of protection from early life. 
He has always demanded an intelligent, a broad-minded, a scientific applica- 
tion of the protective principle to the external revenue system of the coun- 
try. This principle demands that when the inflow of foreign products is 
discouraged and checked, domestic production shall be freely competitive, 
and he has never hesitated to denounce domestic " Trusts," which were 
designed or were likely to create monopolies, and thus destroy at home the 
very benefit which protection along the frontier line is intended to secure- 
>. T e has endeavored, at the same time, to broaden and to deepen the public 
co. victio' o upon this subject, to show that it is a national question, not a 
class question ; that protective duties are not imposed for the sake of manu- 
facturers, but for the public advantage of diversified industries and industrial 
independence, and for the maintenance of comfort and intelligence amongst 
the working people. He has never been a ranter in behalf of indiscriminate 
protection ; on the other hand, he has never regarded the policy of free trade 
as other than a surrender to competitive foreign nations and as an acceptance 
for our people of their wages and social conditions. 

He became an advocate of bimetalism soon after the demonetization 



113 

of silver iu 1873. He spoke and wrote against the policy of gold mono- 
metalism at all times when the question of reestablishment of bimetalism 
was under discussion. For the last three years he has been acknowledged 
as the highest authority on the question. His discussion has been scicntiiic 
as well as practical. 

So much for his political work and position. In business he has been 
active from the day he went into the office of Barker Brothers & Co. He 
soon became a partner of his father ; the business increased rapidly and his 
reputation extended to all parts of the world. Iu 1878 he was made financial 
agent of the Russian Government in connection with the building of the four 
cruisers, Europe, Asia, Africa and Zabicca, a work done so well that the Czar 
Alexander II conferred upon him the Order of St. Stanislaus, a distinction 
rarely conferred upon a foreigner. In the summer of 1S79 he went to Russia 
at the request of men in high authority, to consider a proposition for the 
development of the coal and iron of the Donetz region. After a survey of the 
country north of the sea of Azof, by competent American engineers sent out 
by Mr. Barker, he made proposals for great works to be undertaken under Im- 
perial concessions that involved an expenditure of ten million dollars. Prince 
Sergius Dolgorouki, then Minister of the Public Domain and Master of Cere- 
monies at the Court, sent a cable to Mr. Barker three days before the death 
of the Emperor to prepare to go to Russia, for the Czar and Grand Council 
of the Empire had decided to grant the concessions asked for. After the 
death of the Emperor this great work was dropped. Mr. Barker has been to 
Russia four times, last in 1894, each time going upon important business. 

He is a member of the American Philosophical Society, the Academy 
of Natural Sciences, the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, and the American 
Academy of Political and Social Science. He was the first President of the 
Penn Club, and is now a member of the Union League and the Manufac- 
turers' Club. 

Wharton Barker married Margaret Codies Baker, of New York, in 1867. 
They have three sons, Samuel, Rodman and Folgar Barker, all grown men. 
There are few more active men, and almost none who have worked upon 
so many lines, to wit : business, politics, letters, and always with force. 
Should the new party see fit to nominate him for President, and the Ameri- 
can people should ratify the nomination by election, the Nation would have 
as its Chief Executive a man of integrity, rare ability from long discussion 
of public affairs and acquaintance with statesmen, not only of the new but 
the old world. Above all else they would have an American of Americans, 
devoted to the development of the country's resources and our independence 
of the dictation of foreign capitalists, and those of our own land who foster 
National indebtedness which the people must pay by the issue of bonds to 
meet current governmental expenditures. 



WILLIAM O'CONNELL BRADLEY. 

WILLIAM O'CONNELL BRADLEY was born March 18th, 1S47, in 
Garrard county, Kentucky, near the town of Lancaster. His 
father, Hon. Robert M. Bradley, was perhaps the ablest and most 
successful land lawyer that ever lived in Kentucky, and was one 
of the most ardent and efficient promoters of popular education in the State. 

Gov. Bradley's mother was a Miss Ellen Totten, the daughter of a sturdy, 
intelligent farmer of Garrard county, a very strong-minded woman and a 
devout believer in the faith of Alexander Campbell, the founder of the Chris- 
tian Church, of which she was a member. 

William spent his boyhood days at Somerset, where his parents had re- 
moved. The Civil War wrecked his father financially, and his education was 
necessarily cut short at the age of fourteen. Twice he ran away and joined the 
Union army, but his father secured his release on each occasion and returned 
him home. He manifested a strong disposition to study law, and so well 
qualified was he at the age of seventeen, that the Kentucky Legislature passed 
a special act to license him to practice, for at that time the Statute forbade 
any person under the age of twenty-one to practice. 

He first entered politics in 1869, and has been at the front of all the 
political battles in the State since that time, save 1891, when he was confined 
by dangerous illness in a Louisville hospital. He was elected Prosecuting 
Attorney in 1870, of Garrard county, over an opponent of fine legal attain- 
ments and great personal popularity. In 1872 and 1876, he was nominated 
for Congress against Milton J. Durham, but was defeated by greatly reduced 
majorities after brilliant canvasses. He declined the nomination for Attorney- 
General in 1879, on account of ill-health, and in 1880, was a Delegate to the 
Chicago National Convention and seconded the nomination of General Grant. 
In 1884, was a member of the National Republican Committee, Delegate-at- 
Large and Chairman of the Kentucky delegation at the Chicago Convention, 
and delivered the speech which defeated the proposition from Massachusetts 
and Indiana, to curtail the representation from the South ; at the close of his 
speech the vast audience arose and repeatedly cheered him. 

In 1884, President Arthur selected him to prosecute the " Star Route " 
cases, but the Attorney-General refusing to allow a full and impartial prose- 
cution, he withdrew. Twice before he was of eligible age he was nominated 
by his party for United States Senator. 

In 1887, he made the race for Governor as the Republican nominee, and 
whittled a Democratic majority of 45,000 down to less than 17,000.. It was 
in this memorable campaign that he made the terrific attack upon the 
Democratic State officials, charging corruption at Frankfort, and which 
resulted in an examination of the books, and in finding State Treasurer 
Dick Tate, a defaulter for $247,000, and in foreign lands. 

In 1895, he was again unanimously nominated for Governor, met the 
Democratic candidate, Hardin, in joint debate, and carried the State by 
9,000, electing a full set of Republican State officials. 

Governor Bradley is a typical Kentuckian, plain and unassuming, and 
filled with that unostentatious hospitality that has made Kentuckians so 

114 




W. O. Bradley. 



116 

popular the world over. He is as brave as a lion ; nothing can daunt or dis- 
concert him. In native wit, eloquence and magnetic power over a jury or 
an audience, few men equal him at the bar or on the stump ; a splendid 
story-teller, full stocked and with always a new one ; a disposition that is as 
sunny as a summer's day, and a heart so big that it overflows with genuine 
love for his fellowman. No man was ever more devoted to his friends, and 
no man ever had more devoted friends than he. A Republican, inflexible 
and incorruptible, a patriot of the highest type, he is every inch an American 
citizen. He came up through poverty and privations himself, and knows 
and appreciates the difficulties of the poor, and what it is to labor for his 
bread. He is a friend to every one who wants to do right ; liberal to his 
party, to the deserving poor, his friends, to every one, and only unmindful of 
himself. Kentucky is proud of him, and well may the nation be, for there 
are few abler, better or truer men than William O. Bradley, the first Repub- 
lican Governor of Kentucky. 

Governor Bradley is an indefatigable worker and a methodical one. 
Probably one of the best campaigners in the country to-day. Physically, 
mentally, and in every way a giant, his name will be presented at the St. 
Louis Convention, June 16th, for the Presidential nomination, and Ken- 
tuckians of his political faith believe he can be nominated and elected.* 

♦ The editor acknowledges his indebtedness to Mr. E. C. Linney of Louisville, Ky., for 
most of above sketch. 



EPITOME OF AHERICAN POLITICS, 

From the Foundation of the Government, Together with Date and 
Place of Assemblage of Every Important National Political 
Convention Held in the United States. 



IT may be said that previous to 1776, parties, strictly Speaking, had no 
place in our history. People previous to that time were Whig or 
Tory, just as they had happened to he in the mother country, or as 
their sympathies had grown in consequence of parental training. 
When, on the 7th of June, 1776, Richard Henry Uee, of Virginia, moved the 
Declaration in these words : " Resolved, That these United Colonies are, and 
of right ought to be free and independent States ; that they are absolved 
from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection be- 
tween them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dis- 
solved," and when, on the 4th of July, the Declaration of Independence 
was adopted, parties took shape, and Whig and Tory assumed a new mean- 
ing. Having taken the initiatory steps for independence, it was of course 
necessary for the separate States to delegate to some central government 
the power necessary to bring about unity of action. 

As early as June nth, 1776, a committee was appointed to prepare the 
form of a Colonial Confederation, and one member from each Colony was 
appointed to the task. They submitted a report, which was laid aside the 
20th of August, 1776, taken up April 7th, 1777, debated from time to time 
until November 15th of the same year, when the report was agreed to. It 
had then to be submitted to the several States, which was done, the Legis- 
latures being advised to authorize their Delegates in Congress to ratify the 
same. On the 26th of June, 1778, the Articles of Confederation were ordered 
to be engrossed ready for the signatures of the Delegates. 

July 9th, New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Connecti- 
cut, New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia and South Carolina signed ; Georgia, 
July 21st ; North Carolina, July 24th ; New Jersey, November 26th ; and 
Delaware, February 22d, 1779. Maryland refused to ratify until the con- 
flicting claims of the Union and the States to the Crown lands should be ad- 
justed. The lands in dispute were ceded to the Union, and Maryland 
signed March 1st, 1781. 

On the 22d of March, Congress assembled under its new powers, and 
continued to act for the Confederacy, until March 4th, 1789, when the Fed- 
eral Constitution took effect. 

The Federal Constitution is the result of the labors of a Convention 
which convened at Philadelphia in May, 1787. At that time it had become 
evident that the old Confederation had outlived its usefulness, the days of 
peace trying it more severely than the days of war, when a common danger 
united the people and made them less captious and exacting in regard to 
legislation. 

The Confederation at this time had no credit ; the Revolutionary sol- 
diers were unpaid ; no provision was made for the payment of interest on 

117 



118 

the public debt, and, as Cooper justly observes, " it was a failure from the 
disappointed hopes of many who thought freedom did not need to face re- 
sponsibilities." When the Convention met, a large share of the Delegates 
wished to retain the Articles of Confederation, amending them so as to give 
Congress additional powers, instead of forming a Constitution. A long dis- 
cussion followed, and a very able one, the result being our Constitution, em- 
bodying a division of legislative, judicial and executive powers. It was 
adopted by the several States, so that the machinery of our Federal Govern- 
ment was set in motion by the inauguration of Washington, as President, 

April 30th, 1789. 

PARTIES. 

When in the struggle for independence, the Whigs were of course in a 
majority. In fact, those of the old Tories who would not become Whigs 
found it best to emigrate or keep still enough to have their sentiments for- 
gotten or unnoticed. When the question of the Union came up, the Whigs 
naturally divided upon the question of State rights, the smaller and largest 
of the States being the most strenuous that no central government should 
usurp their powers. The class of thinkers who held with greatest tenacity to 
the extreme idea of State rights, were called Particularists. 

" Those who argued that local self-government was inadequate to the 
establishment and perpetuation of political freedom, and that it afforded 
little or no power to successfully resist invasion," were called strong Gov- 
ernment Whigs. Some of them wanted a government patterned after Eng- 
land, but Republican in name and spirit. The essential differences, if they 
can be reduced to two sentences, were these : The Particularist Whigs de- 
sired a government republican in form and democratic in spirit, with rights 
of local self-government and State rights ever uppermost. The Strong- 
Government Whigs desired a government republican in form, with checks 
upon the impulses or passions of the people ; liberty sternly regulated by- 
law, and that law strengthened and confirmed by central authority, the 
authority of the National Government to be final in appeals. ("Cooper's 
American Politics," book 1, p. 5.) 

The trouble with the Confederacy was this : It was not respected by the 
people ; the States did not acknowledge its power ; in fact, it had no power, 
it was a rope of sand. If it made a requisition the States disregarded it ; it 
could not regulate foreign commerce ; foreign nations refused to bind them- 
selves by commercial treaties with such an inoperative power ; there was 
open and constant jealousies and business rivalries between the States; it 
was " a house divided against itself, and it could not stand." Wisely, and 
with the prescience for which we cannot give the memory* of the Delegates 
too much honor, they framed the Constitution of the United States; they 
took the parts and welded them into a harmonious whole. 

The act providing for its submission provided that when ratified by nine 
of the thirteen States, it should be binding upon those ratifying the same. 
Now, amendments to the Constitution, when adopted by three-fourths of 
all the States, arc binding upon all. When the Constitution was submitted 
the Strong-Government Whigs became known as the Federals, and the Par- 
ticularists, Anti-Federals. The Federals had for leaders the brainiest and 
strongest men of the day, notably, Alexander Hamilton, James Madison and 
John Jay. The Anti-Federals bad also some strongmen, among whom were 



119 

Patrick Henry, and Samuel Adams, and the fight in the States over ratifies 
tion was exceedingly fierce. Had not George Washington ranged himself 
with the Federalists, the result would have been uncertain ; as it was. Con- 
gress was officially informed July 2d, 1788, that the needed nine States had 
ratified the Constitution, whereupon the first Wednesday in March, 17S9, 
was fixed as the time "for commencing proceedings under the Constitu 
tion." 

The people spontaneously nominated George Washington, for President, 
and John Adams for Vice-President, without any conventions. Washington 
selected his Cabinet from the leading minds of both parties, with the view 
undoubtedly of harmonizing all factions and obliterating party spirit. For 
a time this seemed to be the result, but soon partv rancor became 
apparent, for even James Madison, who had been the leader of the Federal- 
ists, ranged himself under the Anti-Federalists' banner. During the third 
session of Congress, Vermont and Kentucky were admitted to the Union. 
Rhode Island and North Carolina, which had rejected the Constitution at 
first, reconsidered their action, the former in May, 1790, and the latter in 
November, 1789. 

The election for members of the Second Congress, resulted in a Federal 
majority, and this Congress passed the first methodical apportionment bill, 
fixing representation at 33,000 for each Congressional district. 

By 1793, party lines had become well drawn, the names being now the 
Federalists and the Republicans. George Washington was again the spou- 
'aneous choice of the people for President, and unanimously elected. John 
Adams received the support of the Federalists, and George Clinton, of New 
Vork, the support of the Republicans, for Vice-President. Adams was 
elected. In December, 1793, Jefferson left Washington's Cabinet, and retired 
to Monticello, where he busied himself in writing political essays and organ- 
izing the Republican party, of which he was the acknowledged head. Never 
before, nor hardly ever since, was political vituperation directed at exalted 
personages as in the closing days of Washington's administration, he being 
accused of shameful political crimes, and of winking at, if not being bene- 
fited by, frauds upon the public funds. 

Accustomed as we are to all sorts of political abuse of prominent men, 
we can scarcely conceive it possible that the Father of his Country should 
have been so treated. 

In 1796, the sentiment of the people crystallized upon the acknowledged 
leaders for President and Vice-President. Washington's farewell address 
had been issued in August, in which he announced his determination to 
serve no longer as President, or in an)- public capacity. The Federalists 
placed John Adams and Thomas Pinckney in nomination, while the Repub- 
licans named Thomas Jeff erson and Aaron Burr. Both parties were plainly 
arrayed, and both confident; but so evenly were the parties divided the 
Electoral College chose John Adams, Federalist, President, and Thomas 
Jefferson, Republican, Vice-President. No political platform was adopted 
by either party. During this administration the celebrated Alien and Sedi- 
tion law was passed, which authorized the President " to order all such aliens 
as he shall judge dangerous to the peace and safety of the United States, or 
shall have reasonable grounds to suspect are concerned in any treasonable 
or secret machinations against the Government thereof, to depart out of the 



120 

territory of the United States within such time as shall be expressed in such 
order." These resolutions and the laws, passed in pursuance of this policy, 
gave a dangerous current " to political thought and action." Undoubtedly 
they were the immediate cause of the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 
1798. Jefferson was the father of the former and Madison of the latter. 

In 1800, John Adams was again nominated for President, and C. C. 
Pinckney for Vice-President. A "Congressional Convention," held in 
Philadelphia, nominated as the Republican candidates, for President and 
Vice-President, Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr. The Electors chosen 
voted 73 for Jefferson, 73 for Burr, and 65 for John Adams and 64 for Pinck- 
ney. Burr and Jefferson having the same number of votes, it was not legally 
decided which should be President or Vice-President, and the election had 
to go to the House of Representatives. The result was a protracted contest, 
which evoked the worst passions and even threatened civil war. It was the 
first practical test of the electoral system as then provided for in the Con- 
stitution. At that time each elector was required to vote for two persons, 
the one receiving the highest number of votes to be President, and the next 
highest Vice-President. This election showed conclusively that the man 
nominated for Vice-President might become the President, and the nominee 
fo* President the Vice-President ; in other words, that the people's choice 
might not be ratified. On the thirty-sixth ballot in the House, Jefferson 
was chosen President, and Burr, Vice-President. An amendment to the 
Constitution was fully ratified by September 25th, 1804, requiring the 
Electors to ballot separately for President and Vice-President. 

In the campaign of 1S00, the first national part}- platform was adopted 
by the Republicans, and Jefferson and Burr were the first " Congressional 
Caucus " nominees. Epitomized, the platform of the Republican party was 
as follows : An inviolable preservation of the Federal Constitution, accord- 
ing to the true sense in which it was adopted by the States. Opposition to 
monarchizing its features by the forms of its administration, with a view to 
conciliate a transition, first to a President and Senate for life ; secondly, to 
an hereditary tenure of those offices, and thus to worm out the elective 
principle. Preservation to the States of the powers not yielded by them to 
the Union. A rigorously frugal administration and all possible saving of 
public revenue, to be applied to payment of the public debt ; resistance to 
all measures looking to a multiplication of offices and salaries, and a protest 
against the augmentation of the public debt on the principle of its being a 
public blessing. Reliance for internal defense solely upon the militia ; no 
army or navy large enough to overawe public sentiment, or grind us with 
public burdens. Free commerce with all nations ; political connections witb 
none, and little or no diplomatic establishment. Opposition to linking our- 
selves by new treaties with the quarrels of Europe. Freedom of religion ; 
freedom of speech and of the press ; liberal naturalization laws ; encourage- 
ment of the arts and sciences, to the end that the American people may be- 
come independent of all foreign monopolies, institutions and influences. 
The Federalists had no platform. During Jefferson's administration the 
first removal for political cause was made, and offices were first given as a 
reward for party fealty. 

In 1804, the candidates of both parties were nominated by Congressional 
caucuses. Jefferson and Clinton were the Republican nominees, and Charles 



121 

C. Pincknev and Rufus King, were the nominees of the Federalists. Neither 
party adopted a platform of principles. In 1805, the Republicans dropped 
that name and took that of Democrats. In 1808, the usual Congressional 
caucus was held, nominating Madison and George Clinton, for the offices, 
respectively, of President and Vice-President. The Federalists supported 
C. C. Pincknev for President. Madison and Clinton were elected. In May, 
1812, Madison was nominated by a Congressional caucus for reflection to the 
Presidency, and John Langdon was nominated for Vice-President, but, de- 
clining on account of age, Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts, took his place. 
In September, 1812, a 



CONVENTION 

of the opposition to Madison, representing in its delegates eleven States, 
was held in the City of New Vork, and nominated De Witt Clinton for Presi- 
dent, and Jared Ingersoll for Vice-President. This was the first national 
political convention representing the people directly, and the Federalists 
must have the credit of establishing the precedent. Madison and Gem- 
were elected. Neither party presented a political platform. During this 
administration war was declared with Great Britain. 

January 4th, 1815, the celebrated Hartford Convention passed a series 
of resolutions denunciatory of the forcible conscription, draft or imprison- 
ment of citizens or the militia. It was a peace part}- in time of war ; and 
it also proposed several amendments to the Constitution of the United 
States, the gist of which was as follows : 

I. Representatives and direct taxes to be apportioned among the 
States, according to the respective number oifree persons and those bound 
to service for a term of years ; and excluding Indians and all other persons. 

II. No new State to be admitted to the Union without the concurrence 
of two-thirds of both Houses of Congress. 

III. No embargo on ships or vessels of citizens in the ports of the 
United States for a longer period than sixty days. 

IV. Congress not to have power to interdict trade with foreign na- 
tions without concurrence of two-thirds of the members of both Houses. 

V. Congress not to make nor declare war, nor authorize hostilities 
against any foreign nation, unless the United States be actually invaded, 
without concurrence of two-thirds of the members of both Houses. 

VI. No person afterward naturalized to be eligible to Congress, or hold 
any civil office under the United States. 

VII. Same person not to be eligible for reelection to the Presidency ; 
nor two citizens of same State, eligible for two terms in succession. 

This was a Federalist platform. During this administration, Congress 
passed the first bill to promote internal improvements, but the President 
vetoed it. The first bill for the establishment of a national bank also passed, 
and was signed by Madison. 

The Democrats, in 1816, nominated, through a Congressional caucus, 
James Monroe for President and Daniel D. Tompkins for Vice-President. 
The Federalists named Rufus King, of New Vork, and divided their vote for 
Vice-President. As usual, no political platforms. Monroe and Tompkins 



122 

were elected. During this administration, the Monroe doctrine was enun. 
ciated, which has since become the unwritten law of the land. 

The second election of Monroe occurred in 1820, and was practically 
without opposition, only one electoral vote being cast against him. Mr. 
Tompkins, candidate for Vice-President, was a little less esteemed, it would 
seem, since there were fourteen electoral votes cast against him. Neither 
party made any nominations or disseminated a platform. It was a case of 
spontaneity of expression, not likely to occur in our day or generation. 
During this administration, Missouri was admitted to the Union, and the 
Missouri Compromise passed. The sale of Government lands by the credit 
system was also changed to sales for cash and the price reduced. 

In 1S24, four candidates were before the people for President, namely: 
General Andrew Jackson, John Quincy Adams, William H. Crawford and 
Henry Clay. No one received a majority of the electoral votes, and for the 
second time in our history the House of Representatives was called upon to 
decide the struggle. The result was the selecting of John Quincy Adams 
for President and John C. Calhoun for Vice-President. The result made 
hard feelings and excited jealousies that were not allayed for many years. 
General Jackson had been the choice of the people, and his friends started 
the story, and professed to believe it, that there had been a corrupt bargain 
between Clay and Adams. The nominees had all been nominated by cau" 
cuses of Congressmen, and about all the good the bitter contest brought to 
the country was the destruction of that mode of nominating the Chief Mag- 
istrate of the Nation. 

The election of 1824 really furnished a basis for the Whig party, for Mr. 
Clay, who had been a Democrat, was driven over to the National Republican 
(soon to be Whig) party. 

In 1828, the National Republicans supported John Quincy Adams and 
Richard Rush, while the Democracy supported Andrew Jackson and John C. 
Calhoun. General Jackson received 178 Electoral votes, to 83 for Mr. Adams. 

A convention was held in Philadelphia, in September, 1830, which 
adopted the following Anti-Masonic resolution : Resolved, That it is recom- 
mended to the people of the United States, opposed to secret societies,/!© 
meet in convention on Monday, the 26th day of September, 1831, at the city 
of Baltimore, by delegates equal to their representatives in both Houses of 
Congress, to make nominations of suitable candidates for the offices of Presi- 
dent and Vice-President, to be supported at the next election, and for the 
transaction of such other business as the cause of Anti-Masonry may require. 

In the month of December, 1831, the National Republican party held its 
Convention in Baltimore, and nominated Henry Clay for President, and John 
Sergeant for Vice-President. They issued a platform or address to the peo- 
ple, taking stand upon the questions of the tariff, internal improvements, 
removal of the Cherokee Indians, and in favor of the renewal of the United 
States Bank Charter. The Democrats put in nomination, General Jackson 
for reelection as President, and John C. Calhoun as Vice-President, both of 
whom were elected by the popidar vote and the Electoral College. 

At a ratification meeting held in Washington (Whig party), May nth» 
1832, three resolutions were adopted as a platform for the party : 1st. Adequate 
protection to American industry ; 2d. Uniform system of internal improve- 
ments ; and 3d. That the " indiscriminate removal of public officers for a mere 



123 

difference of political opinion is a gross abuse of power, and that thedoctrine 
boldly preached in the United States Senate that ' to the victors belong tin- 
spoils of the vanquished,' is detrimental to the interests, corrupting to the 
morals and dangerous to the liberties of the country." 

During this administration the public deposits were removed from the 
United States Bank, Roger B. Taney was made Chief Justice of the Supreme 
Court, and South Carolina, on the 24th of November, 1832, passed au ordi- 
nance to nullify certain acts of the Congress of the United States. 

The Democracy held their Convention in 1836 at Baltimore, and nomi- 
nated Martin Van Buren, for President. 

The platform was constructed at New York, in January, 1836, and was 
known as the Locofoco Platform. 

It declared that all men being created free and equal, each person has 
same rights as to person and property ; that no man is under any greater duty 
than that of contributing to the necessities of society. 

Unqualified hostility to bank notes and paper money as a circulating 
medium, because gold and silver is the only safe and constitutional currency. 
Hostility to all monopolies created by legislation ; " hostility to the danger- 
ous and unconstitutional creation of vested rights or prerogatives by legisla- 
tion, because they are usurpations of the people's sovereign rights." 

No legislature or other authority can, by charter or otherwise, exempt 
any man from trial by jury or give exemption from the jurisdiction of the 
laws. Acts of one legislature can be altered or repealed by a subsequent 
one. 

The Whigs nominated William Henry Harrison and Francis Granger. 
There were scattering votes for Daniel Webster, Mr. Mangum and Hugh L-. 
White, but Mr. Van Buren received 170 Electoral votes and Mr. Harrison 73. 

The Whig resolutions were adopted at Albany, N. Y., February 3d, 1836, 
and in brief were: All citizens were invited to oppose Martin Van Buren, 
because he was the nominee of the Democrats in consequence of executive 
intrigue. That we support William Henry Harrison, not merely because of 
the value of his services as commander of our armies, but because we ad- 
mire his talents and repose trust in his patriotism and principles. 

In 1839, during the Twenty-sixth Congress, the practice of Members of 
Congress "pairing off" was first introduced. John Quincy Adams offered 
a resolution against the practice ; it was placed on the calendar and not 
reached, hence not voted upon. The practice is now common. 

In the campaign of 1840, Mr. Van Buren was again the Democratic nom- 
inee for President and Richard M. Johnson for Vice-President. Their Con- 
vention was held at Baltimore, and a platform adopted May 5th, 1S40. The 
Convention made no nomination for Vice-President, several States having 
nominated different persons ; but before the election Mr. Johnson was 
adopted. The Whigs held their Convention at Philadelphia, and nominated 
William Henry Harrison for President and John Tyler for Vice-President. 
The Whigs were victorious, the Electoral votes, 234, of nineteen States be- 
ing given for them, and 60 Electoral votes from nine States were given to 
the Democratic nominees. General Harrison died April 4th, just one month 
after his inauguration, and John Tyler succeeded him as President. The 
Democrats gave to the country in this campaign a very elaborate platform, 
adopted at Baltimore, May 5th, 1840, and which we condense as follows: 



124 

That the Federal Government is one of limited powers, and that grants 
of power ought to be strictly construed by all the departments and agents of 
the Goverment. 

That the Constitution does not confer upon the General Government 
the power to carry on a general system of internal improvements. The 
General Government has no right to assume the debts of the several 
States, or foster one branch of industry to the detriment of another ; there 
must be equality of rights and privileges. 

Rigid economy iu National expenditures, and no more revenue raised 
than is required for that purpose. Congress has no power to charter a 
United States bank ; no power to interfere with or control domestic institu- 
tions of the States. Denounced the Abolitionists. Money of the Govern- 
ment to be kept from banking institutions. No abridgment of present 
privilege of aliens becoming citizens. 

This Convention made no choice for a candidate for Vice-President. 

The first National platform of the Abolition party favored the abolition 
of slavery in the District of Columbia and the Territories ; the Interstate 
slave trade and general opposition to slavery to the full extent of Constitu- 
tional power. During this administration the Democracy began to split on 
the free-soil issue, and discontented Whigs and Democrats united in form- 
ing a Liberty party, which, August 30th, 1843, in convention assembled at 
Buffalo, N. Y., promulgated a platform of twenty-one resolutions, the essen- 
tial features of which were : That human brotherhood is a cardinal prin- 
ciple of true Democracy, as well as pure Christianity. Then followed a long 
exposition of what they deemed general, moral and Christian principles, 
winding up with the declaration, "That the laws of God are paramount to 
any laws of man." It was more a code of ethics than a declaration of polit- 
ical principles. 

The next Presidential Nominating Convention was held at Baltimore, in 
May, 1S44. This Convention had a majority of delegates favorable to the 
renomination of Mr. Van Buren, but a Chairman of the Convention opposed 
to his candidacy was selected, who, aided by a rule adopted by the Conven- 
tion that a two-thirds vote should be necessary to nominate, the opposition 
headed by Calhoun's friends, were able to defeat him, and a dark horse in 
the person of James K. Polk, of Tennessee, carried off the prize. George 
M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania, was nominated for Vice-President. The Whig 
Convention at Baltimore, May 1st, 1844, adopted Henry Clay as its candi- 
date for President and Theodore Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey, for Vice- 
President. The Abolitionists nominated James G. Birney, of Michigan, for 
President. 

The Whig platform had one resolution which gave as their doctrine a 
tariff for revenue, discriminating with special reference to the protection of 
the domestic labor of the country, distribution of proceeds of the sales of 
public lands, a single term for the Presidency, and an efficient and econom- 
ical administration. The Democratic platform reaffirmed the first nine res- 
olutions of the platform of 1S40 ; opposition to distribution of proceeds of 
sales of public lands among the States ; against robbing the President of the 
qualified veto power, and affirming our title to the whole territory of Oregon, 
risking for its reoccupation, and the re-annexatiou of Texas, at the earliest 
practicable moment. 



125 

Polk and Dallas managed to be elected in consequence of the personal 
popularity of Silas Wright, who ran on the Democratic ticket for Governor 
of New York. The war with Mexico followed, Texas was annexed and anti- 
slavery agitation visibly increased in consequence of what was known as the 
Wilmot Proviso, namely: "That no part of the territory to be acquired 
(from Mexico) should be open to the introduction of slavery." 

Preparatory to the Presidential election of 1848, the Democrats held their 
National Convention at Baltimore, May 21st, and nominated Levi Cass, 
of Michigan, for President, and General William O. Butler, of Kentucky, for 
Vice-President. The Whig Convention met at Philadelphia June 8th, 1848, 
and nominated General Zachary Taylor, of Louisiana, for President, and 
Millard Fillmore, of New York, for Vice-President. The disaffected 
Democracy, under the name of Free-Soil Democrats, met at Utica, N. Y., 
and nominated Martin Van Buren, of New York, for President, and Charles 
Francis Adams, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President. The Abolitionists 
nominated Gerritt Smith, of New York, for President. Each party put 
forth an elaborate platform of principles, and after an exciting canvass, Gen- 
eral Taylor was elected. He died in about sixteen months from his inaugu- 
ration, or on the 8th day of July, 1850. 

The Democratic platform was adopted May 22d, and reaffirmed reso- 
lutions 1 to 4, and 7, 8 and 9, of the platform of 1840. They also re- 
affirmed their resolution of 1844, in relation to the distribution of proceeds 
of sale of the public lands and as to the veto power of the President ; that 
the war with Mexico was provoked by that people, and while the party 
would rejoice over an honorable peace with Mexico, they demanded the 
ratification by the Mexican Government of the "treaty of peace," which 
had been prepared, and which provided for indemnity and security for the 
future ; thanked the soldiers and sailors for their glorious achievements dur- 
ing the war ; tendered congratulations to the French Republic ; eulogized 
the administration of Polk, and congratulated the country on the establish- 
ment of a Constitutional Treasury, and the impulse given toward free trade 
by the repeal of the tariff of 1842 and substitution of that of 1846. 

At a ratification meeting of the Whigs, held in Philadelphia, June 9th, 
instead of a regular platform they endorsed the nomination of General 
Zachary Taylor, for President, and eulogized him as a great soldier and a 
consistent, truthful man ; that he would have voted in 1844,* if he could, 
for the Whig nominee, and was consistent in his support of the Whig party, 
and because he guaranteed to " make Washington's administration " a model 
for his, if elected. There was no distinct utterance of political principles 
in the resolutions. A popular soldier had been nominated, and he had 
simply pledged himself to carry out the principles of the party. 

The Free Soil party also put out a long platform, aimed against slavery 
in particular, and denunciatory of the nominations of the Whig and Demo- 
cratic parties, affirming that no opponent of slavery extension could con- 
sistently support the nominees. In their last resolution they said; "We 
inscribe on our banner, Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor and Free Men." 

In 1852, it was becoming evident that unless the Whig party could be 
successful it would be dissolved, and a new party formed, more or less on 

* There were doubts among the Whigs, as to whether General Taylor belonged to the 
party hence this declaration. 



126 

the slavery and sectional issues. The Free Soil Convention nominated John 
P. Hale, of New Hampshire, for President, at Pittsburg, August nth, 1852. 
The Democrats nominated Franklin Pierce for President, at Baltimore, June 
1st, 1852, and the Whigs, General Winfield Scott, at Baltimore, June 16th, 
1852. 

The Democracy, which clung to the two-thirds rule, nominated a dark 
horse, and the Whigs, a popular soldier. Each party, as had now become 
the custom, enunciated a platform of principles. The Democracy carried 
the day, and the Whig party ceased to exist as a national organization. 

The Democratic platform was adopted June 1st, and re-affirmed the 1st 
to 7th resolutions of the platform of 1S48. They declared for rigid economy 
in expenditures ; that no more revenue should be raised than was necessary 
for that and the gradual extinction of the public debt ; that Congress had 
no power to charter a National Bank ; that the moneys of the Govern- 
ment should be kept separate from banking institutions ; that the oppressed 
of every nation ought to be allowed to come here to become citizens and 
the owners of land. They also affirmed for non-interference, by Congress, 
with the domestic institutions of the States; resistance to anti-slavery 
agitation, in Congress or out of it ; abided by the Kentucky and Virginia 
resolutions of 1792 and 1798 ; that the war with Mexico was just and neces- 
sary ; rejoiced at the restoration of friendly relations with Mexico, and that 
in view of the condition of popular institutions in the Old World, a duty de- 
volved upon the Democratic party to uphold and maintain the rights of 
every State, and thereby the union of States, and advance constitutional 
liberty by resisting all monopolies and exclusive legislation for the benefit 
of the few. 

The Whig party adopted their platform June 16th. They declared that 
the Government of the United States is of limited character, and confined to 
the exercise of powers expressly granted by the Constitution ; that reserved 
rights of States should be held secure and the general Government sustained 
in the exercise of its constitutional powers. That the Government should 
be conducted on the principles of strictest economy ; and revenue sufficient 
for the expenses thereof, in time of peace, ought to be derived mainly from 
a duty on imports and not from direct taxes ; and in laying such duties, 
sound policy requires a just discrimination, and when practicable by specific 
duties, whereby suitable encouragement may be offered to American in- 
dustry, equal to all classes and to all portions of the country. 

Congress has power to improve navigable waterways and harbors. Acqui- 
esced in the series of laws of the Thirty-second Congress, including the 
" Fugitive Slave Law," as a settlement in principle and substance of dan- 
gerous and exciting questions. August nth, 1852, "The Free Soil Party," 
in convention at Pittsburg, Pa., put forth a very long platform that affirmed, 
among other things, "That slavery is a sin against God, and a crime against 
man, which no human enactment or usage can make right ; and that Chris- 
tianity, humanity and patriotism alike demand its abolition." Denounced 
the " Fugitive Slave Law " and the compromise measures of 1S50; the an- 
nexation of Texas, upon the terms upon which she was admitted to the 
Union ; that all men have a natural right to a portion of the soil, and that 
the public lands of the United States belong to the people and should not 
be sold to individuals or corporations, but held as a sacred trust for the 



127 

benefit of the people and should l>c granted in limited quantities, free of 

cost to landless settlers. These were distinctive principles, though it had 
others that were held in common by the Whig and Democratic parties. 

About this time the Native American, or Know-Not him;, party arose ; and 
the Kansas troubles were under full headway before Pierce's administration 
was over. The Dred Scott decision was also promulgated, and political 
excitement was at fever heat. The Free Soil Whigs and Democrats, and the 
disaffected of almost every shade of political opinion, formed a new part} . 
named it the National Republican, the corner-stone of which was opposition 
to the extension of slavery. The American party met February 20th, 1856, 
at Philadelphia, and nominated for President Millard Fillmore, of New York, 
and for Vice-President, Andrew J. Donelson, of Tennessee. What was left 
of the Whig party met at Baltimore, September 17th, 1856, and endorsed the 
nominations of the American party. The first National Convention of the 
Republican party met at Philadelphia, June iSth, 1S56, and nominated John 
C. Fremont for President, and William L. Dayton for Vice-President. The 
Democratic Convention met at Cincinnati, June 5U1, 1S56, and nominated 
James Buchanan for President, and John C. Breckinridge for Yiee-1 'resi- 
dent. 

A most exciting canvass followed, resulting in the election of the Dem- 
ocratic ticket ; but the vote cast for Fremont demonstrated that the Repub- 
lican party was likely to succeed at the next trial. Then followed the 
excitement incident to the Kansas conflict, which became, on a small scale, 
actual war. Helper's Impending Crisis became a text-book ; Douglas and 
Lincoln held their memorable debates, and John Brown made his insane 
raid on Harper's Ferry. 

" The Know-Nothing, " or "American party," met in Convention at 
Philadelphia, February 21st, 1856, their particular political object being em- 
braced in the words "Americans must rule America, and to this end native 
born citizens should be selected for all State, Federal and municipal offices, 
or government employment in preference to all others. Nevertheless, per- 
sons born of American parents residing temporarily abroad, should be en- 
titled to all the rights of native born citizens ; " and that " no person should 
be selected for political station (whether of native or foreign birth) who 
recognizes any allegiance or obligation of any description to any foreign 
prince, potentate or power, or who refuses to recognize the Federal and 
State Constitutions (each within its sphere) as paramount to all other laws, 
or rule of political action." 

It was, of course, tacitly understood that the last paragraph was aimed 
at Roman Catholic citizens. The party gained some local ascendancy but 
failed to become of national importance. 

The Democratic National Platform was adopted June 6th, and in words 
was the longest that had ever been put forth in this country. However, 
the first ten resolutions were nearly the same as those of 1852. They took 
issue, of course, with the new " American party," declaring that it had met 
in secret conclave and agreed upon an adverse political test, and that " no 
party can justly be deemed to be national, constitutional or in accord- 
ance with American principles, which bases its exclusive organization upon 
religious opinions and accidental birth-place." It re-affirmed the doctrine 
of non-interference with the domestic institutions of the States ; abided 



128 

by the "Fugitive Slave Law ; " said the territories, including Kansas and 
Nebraska, when they had sufficient population and made a constitution 
according to forms of law, should be admitted without, or with slavery, just 
as their constitution should provide ; declared in favor of a preponderating 
influence in ways of communication across the Isthmus of Panama, and for 
our ascendency in the Gulf of Mexico. 

The Republican National Platform was adopted June 17th, and its cardi- 
nal points were : opposition to the repeal of the Missouri compromise, of 
1820; to the extension of slavery into free territory ; in favor of admitting 
Kansas as a free State, and returning to the principles of Jefferson and 
Washington ; denied " the authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, 
of any individual, or association of individuals, to give legal existence to 
slavery in any territory of the United States, while the present constitution 
shall be maintained ; " that Congress had sovereign right and power over 
the territories, and it was its duty to exclude from the territories those twin 
relics of barbarism, polygamy and slavery; arraigned the Democratic ad- 
ministration for various high crimes and misdemeanors, by allowing mur- 
der, rapine, suppression of free speech, test oaths of an extraordinary 
nature as a condition to the right of suffrage, denial of right of trial by 
jury, abridgment of the right of the people to keep and bear arms, and a 
number of other offenses aimed at the destruction of liberty. It also con- 
demned the " Ostend circular," for its plea that " might makes right," and 
as being unworthy of American diplomacy.* 

This platform also demanded the building of a railroad to the Pacific 
ocean. 

The Whigs met at Baltimore, and, September 18th, resolved to support 
Millard Fillmore for President, the then nominee of the American party. 
They did so, without endorsing " the peculiar doctrines of that party." 

Sectional excitement was running high in i860 ; Senators in Congress 
were threatening the secession of their States, and there was throughout 
the country great unrest. 

Amid profound excitement, the Democratic party convened its next 
National Convention at Charleston, S. C, on the 23d of April, i860. The 
Convention did not get to balloting until Tuesday evening, May 1st — the 
eighth day of the session. They balloted until May 3d, when, finding it 
impossible to nominate, the Convention was adjourned to Baltimore, June 
18th, i860. This Convention debated until June 22d, and when on that day 
it was moved to go into a ballot, Virginia withdrew ; North Carolina, 
Tennessee, Kentucky, Maryland, California, Oregon, and Arkansas followed. 
Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, South Carolina, Texas, Louisians, Arkansas, 
and Florida had been excluded from the Committee on Credentials in con- 
sequence of a resolution which had been introduced, and which was carried, 
referring " the credentials of all persons claiming seats in this Convention 
made vacant by the secession of delegates at Charleston to the Committee 
on Credentials." The Convention was now reduced to a minority of dele- 
gates from all the States. As a ballot was called for, when Massachusetts 
was reached, General B. F. Butler arose and refused to remain in a conven- 
tion which represented a minority of States, or, what was personal to him- 

* The " Ostend circular " was put forth by three American ministers to Europe, in favor 
of the buying, or, if that was not possible, the taking of Cuba by the United States. 



129 

self, in a convention where the African slave trade, which was piracy, was 
openly advocated. He then retired, followed by live others. The balloting 
proceeding, Stephen A. Douglas was nominated, with Senator Pitzpatrick, 
as candidates, respectively, for President and Vice-President. Mr. Pitz- 
patrick refused the honor, and the Executive Committee substituted Her- 
schel V. Johnson. The same day, June 23d, another Convention assembled 
at Baltimore, styling itself the "National Democratic Convention," and 
nominated John C. Breckinridge for President, and Joseph Lane, of Oregon, 
for Vice-President. The Republican Convention assembled at Chicago, 
May 16th, i860, and nominated Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, for President, 
and Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, for Vice-President. A "Constitutional 
Union " Convention met at Baltimore, May 9th, 1S60, and nominated John 
Bell, of Tennessee, for President, and Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, 
for Vice-President. 

Each party presented an elaborate platform, and made strenuous efforts 
to elect their candidates, it being apparent to thinking men that in the 
event of the success of the Republican part}', the Gulf States and South 
Carolina at least would secede. Mr. Lincoln was elected, and all the South- 
ern States did secede, excepting Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri. The 
civil war followed, with what result all know. South Carolina seceded 
December 20th, i860 ; Georgia, November 19th, i860 ; Mississippi, January 
9th, 1861 ; Florida, January 10th, 1861 ; Louisiana, January 25th, 1861 ; Ala- 
bama, January nth, 1861 ; Arkansas rejected secession February iSth, 1861, 
seceded May 6th, 1S61 ; Texas, February 1st, 1861 ; North Carolina, May 
21st, 1S61 ; Virginia, April 17th, 1861 ; secession vote of the people an- 
nounced June 25th, 1861 ; Kentucky convened a rump conference at Rus- 
selville, October 29th, which passed a Declaration of Independence and a 
Secession Ordinance, November 20th, 1861 ; there was nothing regular or 
legal in this gathering. Tennessee was declared by Governor Isham G. 
Harris out of the Union, June 24th, 1861. In Missouri and Maryland, dis- 
affected parties declared the States out of the Union, but in both it failed to 
have the sanction of the lawful authorities. 

The remnant of the Whigs, who had not joined the new party or affili- 
ated with the Democracy, and conservatives from the Democratic, Ameri- 
can party, etc., under the name of the " Constitutional Union" party, put 
forth their principles, as follows : 

"Whereas, Experience has demonstrated that platforms adopted by 
the partisan conventions of the country have had the effect to mislead and 
deceive the people, and at the same time to widen the political divisions of 
the country by the creation and encouragement of geographical and sec- 
tional parties ; therefore, 

"Resolved, That it is both the part of patriotism and of duty to recognize 
no political principles other than The Constitution of the Country, 
the Union of the States, and the Enforcement of the Laws. 
* * * * A S representatives of the Constitutional Union men of the coun- 
try, * * * * we hereby pledge ourselves to maintain, protect and defend, 
separately and unitedly, these great principles of public liberty and national 
safety against all enemies at home and abroad, believing that thereby peace 
may once more be restored to the country, and the rights of the people and 
of the States reestablished." 



130 

Eight days after the Constitutional Union Convention, the Republican 
party put forth their platform. It declared that the declaration of the rights 
of man, as set forth in the Declaration of Independence, must be main- 
tained ; declared for the maintenance of the Union, and denounced all 
schemes of disunion. Maintained the right of each State to control its do- 
mestic institutions, and denounced the administration for trying to force the 
Lecoinpton Constitution upon Kansas. Declared that the new dogma that 
the Constitution, of its own force, carried slavery into any and all of the 
territories of the Union * * * " :; ~ is revolutionary in its tendency and sub- 
versive of the peace and harmony of the country. That the normal condi- 
tion of all the territory of the United States, is that of freedom ; denounced 
the reopening of the African slave trade, and the vetoes of the Federal Gov- 
ernors of Kansas and Nebraska, of the acts of the Legislatures prohibiting 
slavery ; that Kansas should be admitted at once as a free State ; that while 
providing revenue for the support of the Government, by a duty upon im- 
ports, the duties should be so re-adjusted as to protect and encourage the 
industrial development of the country. In favor of the " Homestead law," 
against change in naturalization laws, for river and harbor improvements 
and a railroad to the Pacific Coast. 

The Democratic party split in two, issued two platforms, that of the 
Douglas wing, declaring it reaffirmed the platform of 1S56, and pledged the 
party to abide the decision of the United States Supreme Court upon all 
Constitutional questions ; that the United States must protect all citizens at 
home and abroad ; for speedy communication between the Atlantic and 
Pacific States ; the acquisition of Cuba on terms honorable to this country 
and just to Spain ; and that all acts of State Legislatures that defeat the 
"faithful execution of the " Fugitive Slave law," are revolutionary. 

The Breckinridge platform affirmed that all citizens have equal rights in 
all territories, and equal protection for all property the}- may take there. 
That it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its departments, to de- 
fend the rights of persons and property in the territories. That any terri- 
tory seeking admission as a State, with adequate population and a Constitu- 
tion framed in accordance with law, should be admitted as a State, whether 
free or slave. This one plank was substantially the only difference between 
the two platforms. 

In 1S64, the Republicans re-nominated, June 7th, Abraham Lincoln for 
President, and Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, for Vice-President. The 
Democrats held their Convention at Chicago, August 29th, and nominated 
General George B. McClellan for President, and George H. Pendleton 
for Vice-President. Lincoln was elected, and assassinated April 14th, 
1865. 

The Republican platform of 1S64, adopted June 7th, upheld the Govern- 
ment in the war ; declared slavery to be the cause of the conflict, and com- 
mended the " Emancipation Proclamation," and that there should be no 
peace except by unconditional surrender of the rebel armies. It thanked 
the soldiers and sailors of the army and navy; commended the use of the late 
slaves as Union soldiers ; fostered foreign immigration, and the speedy con- 
struction of the Pacific Railroad ; pledged the National faith to the redemp- 
tion of the National debt, and that the Government would never regard with 
indifference the attempt of an European Government to overthrow by force 



131 

or supplant by fraud, the institutions of any Republican Government on the 
Western Continent. 

The Democratic National Convention, met at Chicago, August joth, 
1S64. It declared that in the future, as in the past, \vc will adhere with un- 
swerving fidelity to the Union and the Constitution ; that four years of wai 
had failed to restore the Union, and that there should lie an immediate ces- 
sation of hostilities and a Convention of the States; that the recent inter- 
ference of the military with the elections in Kentucky, Maryland, Missoui 1 
and Delaware, was a shameful violation of the Constitution ; denounced the 
subversion of civil by the military law in States not in insurrection, and up- 
braided the administration for not exchanging prisoners ; extended sympa- 
thy to the soldiers and sailors, and promised them care and protection in case 
the Democracy was restored to power. 

In 1S6S, May 20th, the Republican National Convention metal Chicago, 
and nominated General Grant for President, and Schuyler Colfax for Vice- 
President, who were elected. The Democrats met at New York the 3d of 
July, 1868, and nominated Horatio Seymour for President, and General 
Francis P. Blair for Vice-President. 

The Republican platform congratulated the country on the assured 
success of reconstruction measures, whereby equal civil and political rights 
were secured to all ; denounced repudiation as a National crime ; that it was 
due to the labor of the Nation that the debt should be equalized and reduced 
as rapidly as possible, but extented over a fair period at a low rate of inter- 
est ; strictest economy in the carrying on of the Government ; deplored the 
death of Abraham Lincoln and accession of Andrew Johnson to the Presi- 
dency ; that the doctrine of Great Britain and other European powers, that 
because a man once a subject must always be one, should be resisted by the 
United States, at every hazard ; under everlasting obligations to soldiers 
and sailors who saved the Union ; sympathy with all oppressed people strug- 
gling for their rights, and fostered foreign emigration. 

The Democratic platform, adopted Jrdy 4th, urged the immediate res- 
toration to the Union of all the States, and to all their rights under the Con- 
stitution ; general amnesty for all political offenses ; payment of the public 
debt as soon as practicable, and one currency for all. It demanded economy 
in administration of the Government, a tariff for revenue upon foreign im- 
ports, and such taxation under the revenue laws as would afford incidental 
protection to manufacturers; reform of abuses in the Administration ; equal 
rights and protection for naturalized and native-born citizens, at home or 
abroad; arraigned the Republican party for subversion of the Constitution and 
oligarchical methods. It sympathized with the workingmen of the country 
in their efforts to protect the rights and interests of the laboring classes, 
and tendered thanks to Chief Justice Chase for his justice, dignity and impar- 
tiality, while presiding over the court of impeachment of President Johnson. 

May 1st, 1872, the "Liberal Republican" party met at Cincinnati, and 
nominated Horace Greely, of New York, for President, and B. Gratz Brown, 
of Missouri, for Vice-President. The regular Democratic Convention con- 
vened at Baltimore, June 9th, and endorsed the Liberal Republican candi- 
dates. A few straight-out Democrats met at Louisville, Ky., September 3d, 
and nominated Charles O'Con/or, of New York, for President, and John 
Quincy Adams for Vice-President. The regular National Republican Couven- 



132 

tion met at Philadelphia, Juue 5th, and re-nominated General Grant for 
President, and nominated Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, for Vice-Presi- 
dent. Grant and Wilson were elected. 

The Liberal Republican party adopted as their platform, the following : 
Equality of all men before the law ; maintenance of the Union of the States, 
emancipation, enfranchisement and the 13th, 14th and 15th Amendments to 
the Constitution. Removal of all disabilities imposed on account of the 
Rebellion ; local self-government and impartial suffrage ; reform in civil ser- 
vice and one term for the Presidency. The 6th plank we give in full, as it 
marked a distinct departure in the settlement of the tariff question : 

" We demand a system of Federal taxation which shall not unneces- 
sarily interfere with the industry of the people, and which shall provide the 
means necessary to pay the expenses of the Government, economically ad- 
ministered, the pensions, the interest on the public debt, and a moderate 
reduction annually of the principal thereof ; and recognizing that there are 
in our midst honest but irreconcilable differences of opinion with regard to 
the respective systems of protection and free trade, we remit the subject to 
the people in their Congressional Districts and the decision of Congress 
thereon, whollv free from Executive interference or dictation." 

Public credit to be sacredly maintained ; speedy return to specie pay- 
ments ; eulogized those who saved the Union ; opposed further grants of 
lands to railroads or corporations ; fair treatment of all nations, it being 
dishonorable to demand what is not right, or submit to what is wrong. 

The Democratic party met in Convention at Baltimore, June 9th, and 
ratified the Liberal Republican platform and nominees. 

The Republican platform, adopted June 5th, 1872, called attention to 
the achievements of the Republican party, in its eleven years of power ; that 
despite reduction of taxation during General Grant's presidency, the public 
debt had been diminished |ioo,ooo,ooo a year ; that the amendments to the 
National Constitution must be sustained ; for complete liberty and exact 
equality to all men, and protection to citizens everywhere ; for civil service, 
and opposed to further grants of lands to railroads. 

It demanded that the revenue over expenditures should be applied to 
the reduction of the public debt, and that revenue, except tax on tobacco 
and liquors, should be raised by duties on imports and so adjusted as to pro- 
tect American labor, wages and manufactures ; the abolishment of the frank- 
ing privilege, legislation to be so shaped that both capital and labor, the 
creator of capital, shall be protected ; denounced repudiation in every form ; 
approved the extension of amnesty to those lately in rebellion, and that the 
Government should adopt such measures as would encourage and restore 
American commerce and ship-building. It also eulogized General Grant 
and Henry Wilson. 

The Democratic (straight-out) platform was adopted at Louisville, Ky., 
September 3d, 1872. 

In substance it was as follows : Recurrence to first principles and eternal 
vigilance against abuses, are the wisest provisions for liberty ; and fidelity 
to our constitutional system is the only protection for either. Original basis 
of Union was consent of the States. Powers not delegated by the States to 
the General Government, are reserved to the States. All governmental 
powers, trust powers. Interests of labor and capital should not be permitted 



133 

to conflict, but should be harmonized by judicious legislation. Principle 
should be preferred to power. That the party was betrayed at Baltimore. 

In 1S76, the Greenback ers held a Convention at Indianapolis, May 17th, 
and nominated Peter Cooper and Samuel F. Cary, for President and Vice- 
President. The National Republican Convention met at Cincinnati, |uuc 
14th, and nominated Rutherford B. Haves for President, and William A. 
Wheeler for Vice-President. They were declared elected after a contest be- 
fore the famous " Electoral Commission. " The Democratic National Con- 
vention, met at St. Louis, June 28th, and nominated' Samuel J. Tilden for 
President, and Thomas A. Hendricks for Vice-President. 

The Independent (Greenback) platform adopted May 17th, 1S76, de- 
manded the immediate and unconditional repeal of the specie resumption 
act of January, 1875 ; a circulating medium to be issued by the Government, 
" convertible, on demand, into United States obligations bearing a rate of 
interest not exceeding one cent a day on each one hundred dollars (3.65 per 
cent.) and exchangeable for United States notes at par; to be legal tender 
for all obligations, except such as it is expressly provided shall be paid in 
coin." Declared it the paramount duty of the Government, in all its legis- 
lation, to keep in view the full development of all legitimate business, agri- 
cultural, mining, manufacturing and commercial. Protested against any 
more sales of gold bonds by which the people would be made for a long time 
"hewers of wood and drawers of water" for foreigners. Against sale of 
bonds to purchase silver for the enrichment of owners of silver mines. 

The Republican platform, adopted June 14th, 1876, declared the United 
States is a Nation and not a league ; that by the combined workings of the 
National and State governments, under their respective Constitutions, the 
rights of every citizen are secured, and the common welfare promoted ; that 
the party was sacredly pledged to the permanent pacification of the South 
and the protection of all citizens in their rights. It promised the resump- 
tion of specie payments, and said Senators and Representatives should not 
dictate appointments to office ; that uo public funds or property should be 
devoted to any schools or institution under sectarian control ; that duties on 
imports should be adjusted to promote the interests of American labor ; op- 
posed the further donation of public lands to corporations or monopolies, 
and that the National domain should be devoted to free homes for the 
people. Treaties with foreign nations to be modified, so that the same 
protection should be accorded adopted citizens as those native born ; that 
Congress should investigate the effect of the immigration of Mongolians, 
upon the moral and material interests of the country ; that that relic of bar- 
barism, polygamy, be extirpated, and that all pledges made to the soldiers 
and sailors be fulfilled. 

The Democratic National platform, adopted June 27th, 1876, reaffirmed 
their devotion to the Union and the Constitution ; demanded reform as nec- 
essary to establish a sound currency, restore the public credit ami maintain 
the National honor. Denounced the non-redemption of the legal tender 
notes and demanded repeal of redemption clause of 1875. Denounced the 
tariff in force as a master-piece of folly ; that it has impoverished many in- 
dustries to enrich a few. Declared that over 200,000,000 acres of public lands 
had been given to corporations, and out of thrice that amount, not over one- 
sixth to actual settlers. 



134 

In 1880, the National Republican Convention met at Chicago, June 5th, 
and nominated James A. Garfield, of Ohio, for President, and Chester A. 
Arthur for Vice-President. They were elected. The National Democratic 
Convention convened at Cincinnati, June 22d, and nominated General Win- 
field S. Hancock for President, and William H. English, of Indiana, for 
Vice-President. President Garfield was stricken down by an assassin, Charles 
J. Guiteau, July 2d, 1: 81, and died September 19th, 18S1. CUester A. Arthur 
was sworn in as President, September 20th, 1S81. 

The Republican platform congratulated the country upon reconstruction; 
that the paper currency of the Nation had been raised from 38 per cent, to par 
with gold, and our credit so established ; that 4 per cent, bonds sold at par, 
where previously 6 per cents, had sold at 86 ; railroad mileage had increased 
from 31,000, in 1860, to 82,000, in 1879; foreign trade from $700,000,000 to 
$1,150,000,000, and our exports which were $20,000,000 less, are now $264,- 
000,000 more than our imports. 

That the National debt had been reduced $888,000,000, while the pen- 
sions paid annually was over $30,000,000, and the interest on the National 
debt reduced from $151,000,000 to $89,000,000. Duties upon imports should 
be so levied as to favor American labor; Chinese immigration restrained, 
and denounced the Democratic party for trying to pack the United States 
House of Representatives. 

The Democratic National platform opposed centralization and sumptuary 
laws ; declared for separation of Church and State ; the fostering of the pub- 
lic schools, home rule and honest money cousistiting of gold, silver and paper 
convertible into coin on demand ; maintenance of the public credit ; a tariff 
for revenue only; subordination of the military to the civil power and a 
thorough reform of the civil service. It also denounced the fraud of 1876, 
whereby Hayes was seated as President ; declared for free ships ; no more 
Chinese immigration ; public money and public credit for public purposes 
only, and the public land to be held for actual settlers. 

Both the Democratic and Republican parties, in 1SS4, held their National 
Conventions in Chicago, the latter, June 3d-6th, and the former, July 10th. 
The Republican party went to the country with a declaration of its political 
opinions, as follows : Freedom and equality of all men ; a united Nation ; the 
rights of all citizens to be protected everywhere ; the elevation of labor and 
an honest currency. That the first duty of a good government is to protect 
the rights and promote the interests of its own people ; that duties upon im- 
ports be made not for revenue only, but they shall be so levied as to secure 
the American laborer against the low wages of Europe, and give the laboring 
man his full share in the National prosperity. Pledged the part}- to correct 
the inequalities of the tariff, reduce the surplus not by the indiscriminate 
process of horizonal reduction, but by such methods as will relieve the tax- 
payers without injuring the laborer, or the great productive interests of the 
country ; the fostering of sheep husbandry and for bi-metalism by inter- 
national agreement ; regulation of commerce with foreign nations and be- 
tween the States; a National bureau of labor; the enforcement of the eight 
hour law; a judicious system of general education; settlement of National 
difference by international arbitration ; against Chinese immigration ; com- 
pletion of reform in the civil service, and public lands to go to actual set- 
tlers in small holdings. Suitable pensions for all disabled soldiers and sailors 



135 

and their widows and orphans; no entanglement by alliances with foreign 
nations ; restoration of the navy ; officers in the Territories to he bona-fide citi- 
zens thereof, and the suppression of polygamy among the Mormons and the 
divorce of the political from the ecclesiastical power of the Mormon church. 
James G. Blaine was nominated for President upon the fourth ballot, and 
John A. Logan for Vice-President upon the first ballot. 

The political views of the Democrats, as expressed in their patform, were: 
That the fundamental principles of Democracy will always remain as the 
best security of the people and the continuance of free government ; that 
personal rights must be preserved, for the equality of all citizens before the 
law ; the reserved rights of the States to be maintained and the supremacy 
of the Federal Government within the limits of the Constitution ; frequent 
changes of administration, that public officers long in service may not be- 
come arbitrary rulers ; the Republican party as far as principles are con- 
cerned is a reminiscence. It then arraigned the Republican party for 
corruption, an effort to control v State elections by Federal troops ; subjected 
labor to the competition of convict and imported contract labor ; for piling 
up a surplus of over $100,000,000, collected from a suffering people ; that 
unnecessary taxation is unjust taxation, and that all taxation must be limited 
to the requirements of economical government. Only such import duties 
as will give manufacturers the difference between wages here and abroad ; 
public lands for actual settlers ; liberal support of the public schools ; against 
importation of labor and for laws whereby labor organizations may be in- 
corporated. 

Grover Cleveland was nominated for President, and Thomas A. Hen- 
dricks for Vice-President, and were elected. 

In 1S88, the Democratic National Convention met at St. Louis, June 5th, 
and the Republican Convention assembled at Chicago, June 19th. The 
Democrats re-nominated Grover Cleveland for President, and Allen G. 
Thurmau for Vice-President. The Republicans nominated Benjamin Har- 
rison for President, and for Vice-President, Levi P. Morton, who were 
elected. 

The Democratic platform endorsed the views of President Cleveland's 
message on tariff reduction, declared for honest reform in the civil service 
as it had been inaugurated by the Administration ; that the rights of the 
people must be carefully guarded ; that more money for pensions had been 
paid out under Cleveland than in any other four years ; that it was Demo- 
cratic policy to enforce frugality in public expenses and abolish unneces- 
taxation ; revision of the tax laws with due allowance for the difference be- 
tween the wages of American and foreign labor ; sympathy with Home rule 
in Ireland, and for the speedy passage of the Mills (tariff) bill. In essen- 
tials it was the platform of 18S4. 

The Republican platform, in its political provisions, declared sympathy 
for Home Rule in Ireland ; denounced the Mills bill, and avowed the protec- 
tive system must be maintained ; that wool must not be put 011 the free list, 
and that there should be reduction in the tax upon tobacco, and upon spirits 
used in the arts and for mechanical purposes ; and for such revision of the 
tariff as shall lessen imports of such articles as we can produce. It declared 
against foreign contract labor ; opposition to trusts ; the public lands to go 
to actual settlers who are citizens, not aliens ; that Territories should become 



136 

States whenever their population and material resources, public intelligence 
and morality is such as to insure stable governments ; in favor of both gold 
and silver as money, and denounced the Democratic Administration for its 
efforts to demonetize silver. Fostered free schools ; wanted rehabilitation 
of the American Marine ; against a free ship bill as an injustice to American 
labor ; the construction of a navy, coast defenses and modern ordnance. In 
other particulars the platform was a repetition of 1SS0 and 1S84. 

In 1S92, the Republican National Convention met in Minneapolis, Minn., 
June 7th, and reported their platform on the 10th. Benjamin Harrison was re- 
nominated for President, andWhitelawReid, of New York, for Vice-President 

The Democratic National Convention convened at Chicago, June 21st 
and on the 22d adopted their platform. Grover Cleveland was for the third 
time re-nominated for President, and Adlai E. Stevenson for Vice-President. 
They were elected, and are now serving. 

The People's party (Populist), which had carried some States and elected 
a few Representatives to Congress, and some Senators, met in National Con- 
vention at Omaha, Neb., July 2d, and adopted their platform July 4th. 
James B. Weaver, of Iowa, was nominated for President, and James G. Field, 
of Virginia, for Vice-President. 

We give liberal quotations from their platform as to their attitude upon 
the money question, transportation, the public lands, and limitation of term 
of President : 

" The national power to create money is appropriated to enrich bond- 
holders ; a vast public debt, payable in legal tender currency, has been 
funded into gold-bearing bonds, thereby adding millions to the burdens of 
the people. Silver, which has been accepted as coin since the dawn of his- 
tory, has been demonetized to add to the purchasing power of gold by de- 
creasing the value of all forms of property as well as human labor, and the 
supply of currency is purposely abridged to fatten usurers, bankrupt enter- 
prise and enslave industry. 

"A vast conspiracy against mankind has been organized on two conti- 
nents, and it is rapidly taking possession of the world. If not met and over- 
thrown at once, it forebodes terrible social convulsions, the destruction of 
civilization, or the establishment of an absolute despotism. We have wit- 
nessed, for more than a quarter of a century, the struggles of the two great 
political parties for power and plunder, while grievous wrongs have been 
inflicted upon the suffering people. We charge that the controlling influ- 
ences dominating both these parties have permitted the existing dreadful 
conditions to develop without serious effort to prevent or restrain them. 
Neither do they now promise us any substantial reform. They have agreed 
together to ignore, in the coming campaign, every issue but one. Thev 
propose to drown the outcries of a plundered people with the uproar of a 
sham battle over the tariff, so that capitalists, corporations, national banks, 
rings, trusts, watered stock, the demonetization of silver, and the oppres- 
sions of the usurers may all be lost sight of. They propose to sacrifice our 
homes, lives and children on the altar of Mammon ; to destroy the multi- 
tude in order to secure corruption funds from the millionaires. 

"Transportation being a means of exchange and a public necessity, the 
Government should own and operate the railroads in the interest of the 
people. The telegraph and telephone, like the post-office system, being a 



137 

necessity for the transmission of news, should he owned ami operated by 
the Government in the interests of the people. 

"The land, including all the natural sources of wealth, is the heritage of 
the people and should not he monopolized for speculative purposes, and alien 
ownership of land should he prohibited. All land now held by railroads and 
other corporations in excess of their actual needs, and all lands now owned by 
aliens, should be reclaimed by the Government and held for actual settlers 011I3 . 

"Wealth belongs to him who creates it, and every dollar taken from 
industry without an equivalent is robbery. 'If any will uot work, neither 
shall he eat.' The interests of rural and civic labor arc the same ; their ene- 
mies are identical. 

"We believe that the time has come when the railroad corporations 
will either own the people or the people must own the railroads ; and should 
the Government enter upon the work of owning and managing all railroads, 
we should favor an amendment to the Constitution by which all persons en- 
gaged in the Government service shall be placed under a civil service regu- 
lation of the most rigid character, so as to prevent the increase of the power 
of the National Administration by the use of such additional Government 
employes." 

SUPPLEMENTARY RESOLUTION. 

That we commend to the favorable consideration of the people and to the 
reform press the legislative system known as the initiative and referendum 

That we favor a constitutional provision limiting the office of President 
and Vice-President to one term, and providing for the election of Senators 
of the United States by a direct vote of the people. 

That we oppose any subsidy or National aid to any private corporation 
for any purpose. 

The Democratic platform was denuncitory of " trusts " and " monopo- 
lies ; " of the Elections bill ; for a vigorous foreign policy ; condemned oppres. 
sion by the Russian Government of its Jewish and Lutheran citizens ; against 
unrestricted immigration ; in favor of just and liberal pensions; the Nica- 
rauga canal ; aid to the World's Fair; for public schools, and denounced 
Republican protection as a fraud and a robbery of the people, and for a 
tariff for revenue only. 

The Republican party in its platform, demanded a free ballot, a fair 
'count, so that every citizen should enjoy the sovereign right of suffrage. 
Denounced Southern outrages for political reasons ; favored extension of 
our foreign commerce ; restoration of our mercantile marine and a larger 
navy ; against criminal, pauper or contract immigration ; legislation to pro- 
tect life or limb of employes engaged in carrying on inter-state commerce ; 
liberty of thought and conscience and against union of Church and State. 

It also denounced trusts and combinations of capital to arbitrarily con- 
trol trade ; cession of arid lands to the States subject to Homestead laws, and 
sympathy with all wise and legitimate laws intended to lessQn intemperance. 
In other particulars, the platform was cpiite like that of the former campaign. 

Readers of this book know as well as the writer, that platforms are not 
closely followed in all instances. In one thing they are mostly in unison, 
viz., arraignment of the other party or parties. 

The two absorbing subjects for 1896, are bi-metalism and the tariff. 
Upon the latter, the elections of 1894 completely reversed the decision of 1892. 



138 

ATTITUDE OF PARTIES UPON THE SILVER AND TARIFF 

QUESTIONS.' 

THE selection of delegates to National Conventions of the political 
parties of this country, and the formulation of distinctive party 
platforms, dates back only some seventy years. As late as 1832 the 
platform of the Democratic party was three resolutions, adopted at 
a mass meeting held in Washington May nth of that year, to ratify the re- 
nomination of General Jackson. 

Since then the practice of formulating elaborate platforms has grown, 
until they have come to contain not only a reference to all the issues before the 
country, the line of policy which the party pledges itself to pursue, but de- 
nunciation of the acts of the competing party and a reference to its sins of 
" omission and commission " whenever and wherever intrusted with power. 
The person or persons nominated are pledged to stand upon that platform ; 
it is the law of the party, and is supposed to be obeyed ; hence the only au- 
thoritative utterance of a party is its platform ; the action of any single 
individual, or group of individuals, in the party, however exalted their posi- 
tion, does not bind the party as a whole. 

In a work of this character only the leading parties can be considered, 
and at the present time they are three in number, namely, the Democratic, 
Republican and Populist. From tbe tendency of political talk now, it is 
altogether probable that the Populist party will, after the National Conven- 
tion in July of this year (1896), be renamed the American party, and in 
speaking of it we shall call it by that name, 

Upon the question of "silver and the tariff" the Democratic party, by 
its National platform, adopted June 22d, 1892, said : 

Tariff. — " We denounce Republican protection as a fraud, a robbery 
of the oreat majority of the American people for the benefit of the few. We 
declare it to be a fundamental principle of the Democratic party that the 
Federal Government has no constitutional power to impose and collect tariff 
duties, except for the purpose of revenue only, and we demand that the col- 
lection of such taxes shall be limited to the necessities of the Government 
when honestly and economically administered. We denounce the McKinley 
tariff law, enacted by the Fifty-first Congress, as the culminating atrocity of 
class legislation ; we indorse the efforts made by the Democrats of the. 
present Congress to modify its most oppressive feature in the direction of 
free raw materials and cheaper manufactured goods that enter into general 
consumption, and we promise its repeal as one of the beneficent results that 
will follow the action of the people in intrusting power to the Democratic 

party." 

Upon the question of silver it said: "We denounce the Republican 
legislation, known as the Sherman Act of 1890, as a cowardly makeshift, 
fraught with possibilities of danger in the future, which should make all of 
its supporters, as well as its author, anxious for its speedy repeal. We hold 
to tbe use of both gold and silver as the standard money of the country, and 
to the coinage of both gold and silver, without discriminating against either 
metal, or charge for mintage, but the dollar unit of coinage of both metals 
must be of equal intrinsic and exchangeable value, or be adjusted through 
international agreement, or by such safeguards of legislation as shall insure 



139 

the maintenance of the parity of the two metals and the equal power of 
every dollar at all times in the markets, and in payments of debts ; and we 
demand that all paper currency shall be kept at par with and redeemable in 
sitch coin." 

The Republican National Convention of 1892 formulated their platform 
at Minneapolis, Minn., Jnne 7th. 

Upon the subject of the tariff they declared : " We reaffirm the American 
doctrine of protection. We call attention to its growth abroad. We main- 
tain that the prosperous condition of our country is largely due to the wise 
revenue legislation of the Republican Congress. We believe that all articles 
which cannot be produced in the United States, except luxuries, should be 
admitted free of duty, and that on all imports coming into competition 
with the products of American labor there should be levied duties equal to 
the difference between wages abroad and at home. We assert that the prices 
of manufactured articles of general consumption have been reduced under 
the operations of the tariff act of 1890. We denounce the efforts of the 
Democratic majority of the House of Representatives to destroy our tarilf 
laws piecemeal, as is manifested by their attacks upon wool, lead and lead 
ores, the chief products of a number of States, and we ask the people for 
their judgment thereon." 

For reciprocity to increase our export trade. 

For bi-metalism, " with such restrictions and under such provisions," as 
will keep silver on a parity with gold. 

Silver. — "The American people, from tradition and interest, favor 
bi-metalism, and the Republican party demands the use of both gold and 
silver as standard money, with such restrictions and under such provisions, 
to be determined by legislation, as will secure the maintenance of the parity 
of values of the two metals, so that the purchasing and debt-paying power 
of the dollar, whether of silver, gold or paper, shall be at all times equal. 
The interests of the producers of the country, its farmers and its workingmen, 
demand that every dollar, paper or coin, issued by the Government shall be 
as good as any other. We commend the wise and patriotic steps already 
taken by our Government to secure an international conference to adopt 
such measures as will insure a parity of value between gold and silver for 
use as money throughout the world." 

The People's, popularly known as the Populist party, in National Con- 
vention at Omaha, Nebraska, July 2d, 1S92, enunciated as the leading plank 
in their platform the following : 

Moxev.— We demand a National currency, safe, sound and flexible, 
issued by the General Government only, a full legal tender for all debts pub- 
lic and private, and that without the use of banking corporations ; a just, 
equitable and efficient means of distribution direct to the people, at a tax not 
to exceed 2 per cent, per annum, to be provided as set forth in the Sub- 
Treasury plan of the Farmers' Alliance, or a better system ; also by pay- 
ments in discharge of its obligations for public improvements. 

(a) We demand free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the 
present legal ratio of 16 to 1. 

(b) We demand that the amount of circulating medium be speedily 
increased to not less than $50 per capita. 

(c) We demand a graduated income tax. 



140 

(d) We believe that the money of the country should be kept as 
much as possible in the hands of the people, and hence we demand that all 
State and National revenues shall be limited to the necessary expenses of 
the Government, economically and honestly administered. 

(e) We demand that Posta) Savings Banks be established by the Gov- 
ernment for the safe deposit of the earnings of the people and to facilitate 
exchange. 

At this writing, April 5th, 1896, it appears altogether probable that if the 
regular Democratic and Republican Conventions declare for the gold stand- 
ard, the Populists and the disaffected (free silver) Republicans and Demo- 
crats will, at a National Convention to be held in July, 1896, nominate 
candidates upon a short crisp platform, something like that of the American 
League, which is as follows : 

I. We demand legislation that will check and prevent the aggression of 
concentrated capital ; that will provide means to discover dishonest over- 
capitalization of corporations, and enforce penalties against such over- 
capitalization. 

II. We demand the maintenance of a true Protective system, a system 
that will : 

(a) Protect American labor against underpaid and degraded European 
and Asiatic labor, and secure to American citizens the American markets. 

(b) Extend American foreign commerce by adequate subsidies to 
American shipping. 

(c) Remove all protective duties from imported articles which domes- 
tic "trusts" and combinations, created to control domestic production and 
repress domestic competition, have monopolized, destroying thus at home 
the benefit which protection along the frontier is intended to secure. 

(d) Demonstrate that protection is a National question, not a class 
question, and that protective duties are not imposed for the benefit of any 
class, but for the public advantage of (1) diversified industries, (2) the indus- 
trial independence of the Nation, (3) the maintenance of comfort and intel- 
ligence among the people, and (4) the promotion of domestic commerce 
through extension and improvement of the means of communication. 

III. We demand legislation that will establish on a permanent basis the 
unrestricted use of both gold and silver as money of the United States ; that 
will admit to the mints of the United States for coinage, silver bullion from 
mines of the United States of America upon payment by the owner of a 
seigniorage absorbing three-fourths of the difference between the market 
(London) price and its value when coined ; and that will admit foreign silver 
only for coinage purposes, at a seigniorage absorbing all of the difference 
between the market (London) price and its value when coined. 

IV. We demand the extension of our external trade relations with 
countries having different soil, climate and products from those of the United 
States, especially when they use both gold and silver as money, unrestricted 
in amount and upon an agreed ratio, thereby establishing an International 
Trade League. 

V. We demand legislation that will prohibit sale of public lands to 
aliens, and the ownership of lands by aliens. 

VI. We demand legislation that will prohibit immigration of subjects 
or citizens of foreign countries, unless such immigrants intend to become 



141 

citizens of the United States, and unless they ran demonstrate that they 
have not been of the criminal or pauper classes in the countries from which 
they emigrated. 

The ultra-silverites will, of course, contend for free coinage at the ratio 
of 16 to i; but as compromises are usually made in conventions, it is not 
impossible a middle course will be pursued. 

The Ohio Republican State Convention, recently held, had the follow- 
ing as the financial plank in their platform : 

"We contend for honest money; for a currency of gold, silver and 
paper with which to measure our exchanges that shall be as sound as the 
Government and as untarnished as its honor; and to that cud we favor bi- 
metalism and demand the use of both gold and silver as standard money, 
either in accordance with a ratio to be fixed by an international agreement, 
if that can be obtained, or under such restrictions and such provisions to be 
determined by legislation as will secure the maintenance of the parities of 
value of the two metals, so that the purchasing and debt-paying power of the 
dollar, whether of silver, gold or paper, shall be at all times equal." 

The New York State Republican Convention avoided all ambiguity by 
declaring as follows : 

" The agitation of the free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to i seri- 
ously disturbs all industrial interests and calls for a clear statement of the 
Republican party's attitude upon this question, to the end that the trade of 
this country at home and abroad may again be placed upon a sound and 
stable foundation. 

"We recognize in the movement for the free coinage of silver an 
attempt to degrade the long-established standard of our monetary system, 
and hence a blow to the public and private credit, at once costly to the 
National Government and harmful to our domestic and foreign commerce. 

" Until there is a prospect of international agreement as to silver 
coinage, and while gold remains the standard of the United States and of the 
civilized world, the Republican party of New York declares itself in favor of 
the firm and honorable maintenance of that standard." 

The Southern States, so far in their conventions, have declared for bi- 
metalism, and generally for free coinage at the ratio of 16 to i, without any 
qualifications. 

There has been growing in this country a sentiment among the people 
that where the country has been appealed to on an issue, and the voters have 
elected a House of Representatives favorable to one or the other side of 
that issue, that the President ought not to interpose his veto to thwart the 
will of the people ; and looking at it from the standpoint that the will of the 
people, as expressed at the polls, is and should be the law of the land, the 
President should not exercise this veto power. Hon. Chauncey F. Black, 
in an open letter, has just given his ideas upon the subject as follows : 

"The Democratic party of the country must not be disrupted on the 
silver question. There is no constitutional principle involved in it. It is a 
matter of mere economy and expediency, about which Democrats may differ, 
with perfect freedom. Should we be weak and foolish enough to fight among 
ourselves and divide on this minor question of silver coinage, we would be 
simply throwing open the gates to let in the goths and vandals of monopoly 
and corruption to sack the country. 



142 

" Why not let us agree, gold standard and free silver Democrats — all of 
us who have stood together for generations in defense of the Constitution 
strictly construed — to abide the judgment of the majority in National Con- 
vention? L,et us declare, and let us manfully keep the pledge, that, there 
being no constitutional question at issue, the candidate of the Democratic 
party for President will, if elected, sign any bill, covering the use of silver 
as money, which shall have passed Congress with a majority of the Demo- 
cratic votes in its favor." 



HISTORY OF SILVER AS MONEY. 

MONEY has been defined as " any currency employed in buying and 
selling." Earl}- in the history of mankind, as far back as there 
has been individual ownership of anything, a necessity has existed 
for something whereby one man could purchase that which he 
wanted and another had got. Undoubtedly, barter was the primitive way of 
men's dealing with each other ; but as population increased and man began 
to form distinct communities, and advances in civilization increased his 
necessities, bartering would not do ; there must be a something which would 
be lasting, easily transported and not too easily obtained. It is the general 
opinion that gold was the first metal discovered. It is a metal more gener- 
ally diffused throughout the world than any other ; it has in olden times been 
most easily obtained from mother earth, as the first mining was washing it 
from the sand and gravel ; and it was generally pure, ductile and easilv formed 
into any desirable shape. It is probable that this was the first metal upon 
which was bestowed a distinct value, and passed among men as worth a 
stated sum. 

Copper was probably second, then silver. As we understand the word 
coin there was none for many centuries ; and after gold and silver became 
of large value, a variety of substances was used as subsidiary coins and 
passed as current money among the people. Copper or bronze coins have for 
manv centuries been the common vehicle for small payments, and to-day 
China only coins copper for general use among her citizens. Their common 
coin, called Cash or Tsien, is a small copper disc with a square hole in the 
centre, through which the owner puts a string. The value of the Cash is 
about Jj of a cent. The Chinese know full well the value of gold and silver, 
but it passes only by weight and fineness. 

The Hebrew Talent was equivalent to 3,000 Shekels, and woith, say, 
from $1,600 to $1,900. The gold Shekel contained 130 grains, the silver 
Shekel 224 grains and the copper 450 grains. That would make the Shekel 
in gold worth, say $5-oo ; silver, 60 cents, and copper, \ x / 2 cents — based upon 
our ratio of 1 gold, 16 silver. Silver was not in use, it appears, before the 
deluge, while brass and iron are spoken of. 

" Money has always consisted of certain tangible pieces of some mate- 
rial, marked by public authority ; its palpable characteristic has always been 
its mark of authority ; its essential characteristic the possession of value, 
defined by law ; its function the legal power to pay debts and mechanical 
power to facilitate the exchange of commodities" {Del Mar). That is un- 
doubtedly true, since the world has had stable governments; but it is just as 



143 

true that gold was used in the arts for ornaments Long before it was used as 
money, and must have had value. Gold was probabl) first used as money in 
the Orient, before the time of authentic history. Bronze coins of Sung 
B. C. 2257, were good for gold. 

Gold and silver multiple moneys have been known in India for main 
centuries; the common money was copper bronze, the gold and silver monej 
(bars or pieces) over valued probably, and never used except to make up 
large sums. 

The first monetary system of silver, positively based upon that metal. 
was that of the Greek States and Colonies ; and like gold was simph 
as multiples, bronze coins being the general money. Rome, during the 
iSsiruscan era, had gold, silver and copper coins. B. C. 269, the Romans 
coined a vast number of silver pieces. Del Mar says, "that from the fall of 
the Roman Commonwealth to the French Revolution, coins, made largely 
from old accumulations of metal, were substantially the only moneys of 
Europe. This stock of coins slowly but continually diminished until the 
tenth century, then slowly increased until the nineteenth century. First 
part of the fourteenth and last part of the eighteenth centuries almost the 
identical prices prevailed, in England, for corn, domestic animals and their 
products." 

We think Mr. Del Mar is right, if instead of the French Revolution he 
had said, until the sixteenth century, for it is an undeniable fact that within 
one hundred years of the discovery of America the trade of Europe began 
to rapidly increase, as well as the comforts of the people, which was conse- 
quent upon the large amount of gold and silver (largely silver) obtained in 
the Western hemisphere. The more plentiful the currency of a nation, the 
greater and quicker the expansion of her business, the increase of her visi- 
ible wealth in homes, lands and internal improvements. Pouring into the 
lap of Europe, during the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, 
a constant stream of silver and gold, from North and South America, shot 
her ahead ten centuries — if we compare the development of those three 
centuries with the ten previous ones. 

The relative value of gold and silver during the centuries that they have 
been used as money is hard to determine, and even since they have been 
coined and stamped, it is not easy to find out the value of silver as compared 
to gold, and partially for the reason that there was not a line of writing 
upon the Archaic moneys of India, Egypt or Greece. It has been no uncom- 
mon thing for rulers to arbitrarily change the value, and without any apparent 
reason. We do know for a certainty that the ratio has been 10 to 1, and has 
varied from that to 16 to 1, our present legal, though not the commercial, 
ratio. In view of all these facts, it may be said that previous to the dicov- 
ery of America, silver coins that passed from hand to hand were very scarce ; 
and that copper was the common money of the people. Shall we or shall 
we not, therefore, infer that the strides forward in the pathway of human 
progress, during the past three centuries, have been due to in abundance 
of coin made from the white metal ? 



144 



GOLD AND SILVER PRODUCED IN THE UNITED STATES. 
The following estimate of the gold and silver produced in the United States, since the 
discovery of gold in California, is compiled from the official reports of the Director of the 
United States Mint : 



Year. 


Gold. 


Silver. 


Total. 


Year. 


Gold. 


Silver. 


Total. 




$10,000,000 


$50,000 


$40,050,000 


1872. . . . 


$36,000,000 


$28,750,000 


$64,750,000 


1850.... 


5O.OU0.000 


50,000 


50,050,000 


1873.... 


36,000,000 


85,750,000 


71,750,000 


1851 .... 


55,000,000 


50,000 


55,050,000 


1874.... 


33,490,002 


37,324,594 


70,815,496 


1852 


60,000,000 


50,000 


60,050,000 


1875.... 


33,467,856 


31,727,560 


65,195,416 


in;,:;.... 


65,000,000 


50,000 


65,050.000 


1876.... 


39,929,166 


38,783,016 


78,712,182 


1854.... 


60,000,000 


50,000 


60,050,000 


1877.... 


46,897,390 


39,793,573 


86,690,963 


1855. . . . 


55,000,000 


50,000 


55,050,000 




51,206,360 


45,281,385 


96,487,745 


1856.... 


55,000,000 


50,000 


55,050,000 


1879.... 


38,899,858 


40,812,132 


79,711,990 


1857 .... 


55,000,000 


50,000 


55,050,000 


1880. . . . 


36,000,000 


38,450,000 


74,450,000 


1858.... 


50,000,000 


500,000 


50,500,000 


1881.... 


34,700,000 


43,000,000 


77,700,000 


L859.... 


50,000,000 


100,000 


50,100,000 


1882. . . . 


32,500,000 


46,800,000 


79,300,000 


I860..-. 


46,000,000 


150,000 


46,150,000 


18S3 ... 


30,000,000 


46,200,000 


76,200,000 


1861.... 


43,000,000 


2,00ii,niio 


45,000,000 


1884.... 


30,800,000 


48,800,000 


79,600,000 


1862.... 


39,200,000 


1,500,000 


43,700,000 


1885 ... 


31,800,000 


51,600,000 


83 400.000 


1863.... 


40,000,000 


8,500,000 


48,500,000 


1886. . . . 


35,000,000 


51,000,000 


86,000,000 


1864.... 


46,100,000 


11,000,000 


57,100,000 


1887.... 


33,000,000 


53,357,000 


86,357,000 


1865.... 


53,225,000 


11,250,000 


64,475,000 


1888.... 


33,175,000 


59,195,000 


92,370,000 


1866.... 


53,500,1)110 


10,000,u00 


63,500,000 


1889. . . . 


32,800,000 


64,646,000 


97,446,000 


1867. . . . 


51,725,000 


13,500,11011 


65,225,000 


1890.... 


32,845,000 


70,464,000 


103,309,000 


1868 


48,000,000 


12,0oii,imo 


60,000,000 


1S91. . . . 


33,175,000 


75,410,565 


108,591,565 


1869.... 


49,500,000 


12,000,000 


61 ,500,000 


1892. . . . 


33,000,000 


82,101,010 


115,101,010 


1870.... 


50,000,000 


16,000,000 


66,000,000 


1893.... 


35,955,000 


77,575,757 


113,530,757 


1871.... 


43,500,000 


23,000,000 


66,500,000 








I 



Total Gold, $1,939,300,000. Silver, $1,154,817,575. Grand Total, $3,094,117,575. 



COINAGE OF THE SILVER DOLLAR. 



1793-95. 

1796.... 

1797.... 

1798.... 

1799.... 

1800.... 

1801.... 

1802.... 

1803.... 

1804..., 

1805.... 

1836.... 

1837.... 

1838. . . . 

1839..., 

1840.... 

1841. . . 

1842..., 

1843. . . 

1844 

1845 ... 

1846... 

1847..., 

1848. . . 



$204,791 


1849 


72,920 


1850 


7,776 


1851 


327,536 


1852 


423,515 


1853 


220,920 


1854 


54,454 


1855 


41,650 


1856 


66,064 


I8.iV 


19,570 


1858 


321 


1854 


1,000 


1860 




1861 




1862 


300 


1863 


61,005 


1864 


73,000 


1865 


184,613 


1866 


165,100 


1867 


20,000 


1868 


24,500 


1809 


169,600 


1870 


140,750 


1871 


15,000 


1872 



$6,2 

47, 

1 

1, 

46, 

33, 

26; 

63, 
91 



600 

500 
300 
100 

110 

I 10 



500 
000 



636 

73:; 



,500 
930 

5( ii ) 

090 

660 

170 
imo 
625 
325 
Tno 
,300 
,462 
,136 
600 



1873.., 
1874 .. 
1875. . . 
1876... 
1877... 
1878... 
1879. . , 
1880 .. 
1881 . . . 
1882... 
1883... 
1884... 

1885... 
1886... 
1887 .. 
1888... 
1889... 
1890... 
1891. . . 
1892... 
1893... 
1894* . . 



$296,600 



195,550 
,560,100 
397,355 
927,975 
574,100 
470,039 
136,875 
,697,767 
423,886 
611,710 
,990,833 
,651,811 
043,004 
562,735 
333,245 
455,792 
,443,631 



Total $429,807,646 



♦November 1, 1894. None coined since. 



APPROXIMATE AMOUNT OF MONEY IN THE WORLD. 

Gold, $4,261,830,000; silver, $4,361,902,200. In round numbers, the 
silver production of the world is, per annum, $200,000,000 ; and the gold pro- 
duction, $180,000,000. 

Amount of money in the United States is estimated at $2,420,434,781. 
In circulation, $1,660,808,708. Population is, say, 68,397,000. Money per 
capita, $35.39. In circulation per capita, $24.28. 

The silver dollar contains 371^ grains pure silver, or with alloy, 4o8 r 3 5 7 5 5 o 
grains. 



145 



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146 



Values of Foreign Coins in United States Money. 

(Proclaimed by the Secretary of the Treasury, October 1st, 1891.) 



Country. 



Stand'rd Monetary Unit. 



Value in 
U S.Gold 
Dollar. 



Coins. 



Argent. R... Gld&Sil Peso., 



Austria-H...lGold.... Crown. 



Belgium 

Bolivia 

Brazil 

Canada 
Cent. Am ... 
Chili 

China 

Colombia ... 

Cuba 

Denmark ... 
Ecuador 

Egypt 

Finland 

France 

Germany. 
Gt. Britain., 



Gld&Sil Franc 

Silver... Boliviano. 
Gold ....iMilreis 



Gold Dollar. 

Silver... Peso... 
Gld&Sil Peso.... 



f Shanghai 
Silver... Tael - Haikwan 

(Tientsin.. 
Silver... Peso 



Gld&Sil Peso 

Gold Crown. 

Silver... Sucre .. 



.20.3 



.19.3 
.46.4 
.54.6 

1.00 
.46.4 
.91.2 



.763 
.72.7 
.40.4 

.92.6 
.26.8 
.46.4 



Gold Pound (100 piasters)... 4.94.3 



Gold Mark.. 

Gld&Sil Franc. 



Greece., 



Gold Mark 

] Gold ; Pound sterling.. 

Gld&Sil Drachma 



Hayti.. 
India .. 



Italy.... 

Japan... 

Liberia., 
Mexico. 



Gld&Sil Gourde. 
Silver... Rupee... 

Gld&Sil Lira 

G. &S.* Yen 

Gold Dollar.. 

Silver... Dollar... 



Neth'lands, 
N'foundl'd. 

Norway 

Peru 

Portugal.... 



Russia . 



Spain 

Sweden 

Switz'land. 

Tripoli 

Turkey 

Venezuela 



/Gold.. 
\ Silver 



Gld&Sil 1 Florin. 



Silver! ..| Rouble. 



Gold Dollar, 

Gold Crown 

Silver... Sol 

Gold Milreis 

fGold.. 

(Silver 
Gld&Sil Peseta. 

Gold Crown 

Gld&Sil Franc. 

Silver... Mahbub of 20 piasters 

Gold... I Piaster. 

Gld&Sil Bolivar 



.19.3 
.19.3 

.23.8 

4.86.63^ 

.19.3 
96.5 



.19.3 
.99.7 
,50 
1.00 
.50.4 

.40.2 
1.01.4 

.26.8 

.46.4 
1.08 

.77.2 

.37.1 
.19.3 
.26.8 
.19.3 
.41.8 
.04.4 
.19.3 



Gold : argentine ($4.82.4) and % argen- 
tine. Silver: peso and divisions; 
f Gold : former system— 4 florins (SI. 92.9), 
I 8 florins ($3.85.8), ducat (82.28.7), and 4 
■J ducats -(ff9.15.8j. Silver: land 2 florins. 
Gold : present system— 20 crowns 
[($4.05.2) and 10 crowns ($2.02.6). 
Gold : 10 and 20 francs. Silver : 5 francs. 
Silver : boliviano and divisions. 
Go d : 5, 10 and 20 milreis. Silver : %, 1 
and 2 milreis. 

Silver : peso and divisions. 

Gold : escudo(ffl.82.4), doubloon (84.56.1), 

and condor ($9.12.3). Silver; peso and 

divisions. 



Gold : condor ($9.64.7) and double-condor. 

Silver : peso. 
Gold : doubloon ($5.01.7). Silver : peso. 
Gold: 10 and 20 crowns. 
Gold : condor ($9.64.7) and double-condor. 

Silver : Sucre and divisions. 
Gold : pound (100 piastersi, 5, 10, 20 and 50 

piasters. Silver: 1,2,5, 10 and 20 piasters. 
Gold : 20 marks ($3.85.9), 10 marks ($1.93.) 
Gold : 5, 10, 20, 50 and 100 francs. Silver 

5 francs. 
Gold : 5, 10 and 20 marks. 
Gold : sovereign (pound ster ing) and J^ 

sovereign. 
Go d : 5, 10, 20, 50 and 100 drachmas. 

Silver : 5 drashmas. 
Silver : gourde. 
Gold : mohur ($7.10.5). Silver : rupee and 

divisions, 
rold: 5, 10, 20, 50 and 100 lire. Silver: 5 lire. 
Gold : 1, 2. 5, 10 and 20 yen. 
Silver: yen. 

Gold : dollar($0.98.3), 2%, 5, 10 and 20dol- 
lars. Silver: dollar (or peso) and divisi's. 

Gold: 10 florins. Silver: %,1 and 2 % florins. 

Gold: 2 dollars ($2.02.7). 

Gold : 10 and 20 crowns. 

Silver : sol and divisions. 

Gold: 1, 2, 5 and 10 milreis. 

Gold : imperial ($7.71.8) and ]4 imperial f 
($3.86). 

Silver : %, % and 1 rouble. 

Gold : 25 pesetas. Silver : 5 pesetas. 

Gold : 10 and 20 crowns. 

Gold: 5, 10, 20, 50and 100 fr's. Silver: 5 fr's. 

Gold : 25, 50, 100, 250 and 500 piasters. 
Gold : 5, 10, 20, 50 and 100 bolivars. Sil- 
ver : 5 bolivars. 



* Gold the nominal standard ; silver practically the standard. + Coined since January 1st, 1886 ; 
old halt-imperial =$3.98.6. J; Silver the nominal standard; paper the actual currency, the de- 
preciation of which is measured by the gold standard. 



147 



TABLE SHOWING THE VALUE OF FOttBIGM COINS AND PAPBB KOTES IN AHERII W 
MONEY BASED DPON THE VALUES EXPRESSED in tin; ai:o\ i; TABLE 





British £ 


German 


FrenchFran< 


Chillier T:u-l 


Dutch 


[ndian 


llllssi.M] 

Gold 

Kdiililc. 

$0.72.2 


a • i — 1 1 i hi 




Sterling. 


Mark. 


Italian Lira, 


(Shanghai). 


Florin, 


Rup e 

$0.22 


Crow ii 


1 


$4.86.6% 


$0.23.8 


$0.19.3 


$0.68.:. 


SO. in.2 




2 


9.73.3 


0.47.6 


0.38.6 


1.37 


0.80.4 


0,44 


1.54.4 


0.40.6 


3 


14.59.9% 


0.71.4 


(1.57. 9 


2.05.5 


1.20.6 


0.66 


2.31.6 


0.60.9 


4 


19.46.6 


0.95.2 


0.77.2 


2.71 


1.60.8 


0.88 




0.81.2 


5 


24.33.2% 


1.19 


0.96.5 


3.42.5 


2.0] 


1.10 


3.86 


L.01. ■ 


6 


29.19.9 


t.42.8 


1.15.8 


4.11 


2.41.2 


1.32 


4.63.2 


1.21.8 


7 


34.0fi.5K 


1.66.6 


1.35.1 


L79.5 


2.81.4 


1.54 


5.40.4 


1.42.1 


8 


38.93.2 


1.90.4 


1.54.4 


5.48 


3.21.6 


1.76 


6.17.6 


l.i'.'.l 


9 


43.79.8% 


2.1 1.2 


L.73.7 


6.16.5 


3.61.8 


1.98 


6 94 - 


1.82.7 


10 


48.66.5 


2.38 


1.93 


6.85 


1.02 


2.20 


7.72 


2.03 


20 


97.33 


4.76 


3.86 


l:: Tii 


8.04 


l.ln 


15.44 


L06 


30 


1 15.99.5 


7.14 


5.79 


20.55 


12.06 


6.60 


23.16 


6.09 


40 


194.6(1 


9.52 


7.72 


27.11) 


16. OS 


N SO 


30.88 


8.12 


50 


243.32.5 


11.90 


9.65 


34.25 


20.10 


11.00 


88.60 


10.15 


100 


486.65 


23.80 


19.30 


68.50 


40.20 


22 00 


77.20 


20.30 



ELECTORAL VOTES FROM 1789 TO 1892. 

17S9. — Previous to 1S04, each elector voted for two candidates for Presi- 
dent. The one who received the largest number of votes was declared 
President and the one who received the next largest number of votes was 
declared Vice-President. The electoral votes for the first President of the 
United States were : George Washington, 69 ; John Adams, of Massachu- 
setts, 34 ; John Jay, of New York, 9 ; R. H. Harrison, of Maryland, 6 ; John 
Rutledge, of South Carolina, 6 ; John Hancock, of Massachusetts, 4 ; George 
Clinton, of New York, 3 ; Samuel Huntingdon, of Connecticut, 2 ; John 
Milton, of Georgia, 2; James Armstrong, of Georgia, Benjamin Lincoln, of 
Massachusetts, and Edward Telfair, of Georgia, 1 vote each. Vacancies 
(votes not cast), 4. Washington w T as chosen President and Adams Vice- 
President. 

1792. — George Washington, Federalist, received 132 votes ; John Adams, 
Federalist, 77; George Clinton, of New York, Republican, 50 ; Thomas Jef- 
ferson, of Virginia, Republican, 4; Aaron Burr, of New York, Republican, 
1 vote. Vacancies, 3. Washington was chosen President and Adams Vice- 
President. 

1796. — John Adams, Federalist, 71 ; Thomas Jefferson, Republican, 68; 
Thomas Pickney, of South Carolina, Federalist, 59 ; Aaron Burr, of New 
York, Republican, 30 ; Samuel Adams, of Massachusetts, Republican 15; 
Oliver Ellsworth, of Connecticut, Independent, 11 ; George Clinton, of New- 
York, Republican, 7 ; John Jay, of New York, Federalist, 5 ; James Iredell, 
of North Carolina, Federalist, 3 ; George Washington, of Virginia, ohn 
Henry, of Maryland, and S. Johnson, of North Carolina, all Federalists, 2 
votes each ; Charles Cotesworth Pickney, of South Carolina, Federalist, 1 
vote. Adams was chosen President and Jefferson Vice-President. 

1800. — Thomas Jefferson, Republican, 73; Aaron Burr, Republican, 73; 
John Adams, Federalist, 65 ; Charles C. Pickney, Federalist, 64 ; John Jay, 
Federalist, 1 vote. There being a tie vote for Jefferson and Burr, the choice 
devolved upon the House of Representatives. Jefferson received the votes 
often States, which, being the largest vote cast for a candidate, elected him 
President. Burr received the votes of four States, which, being the next 
largest vote, elected him Vice-President. There were two blank votes. 



148 

1804. — The Constitution of the United States having been amended, the 
electors at this election voted for a President and a Vice-President. The re- 
sult was as follows: For President, Thomas Jefferson, Republican, 162; 
Charles C. Pinckney, Federalist, 14. For Vice-President, George Clinton, 
Republican, 162 ; Rufus King, of New Vork, Federalist, 14. Jefferson was 
chosen President and Clinton Vice-President. 

1808. — For President, James Madison, of Virginia, Republican, 122 ; 
Charles C. Pinckney, of South Carolina, Federalist, 47 ; George Clinton, of 
New York, Republican, 6. For Vice-President, George Clinton, Republi- 
can, 113 ; Rufus King, of New York, Federalist, 47; John Dangdon, of New 
Hampshire, 9 ; James Madison, 3 ; James Monroe, 3. Vacancy, 1. Madison 
was chosen President and Clinton Vice-President. 

1812. — For President, James Madison, Republican, 128 ; DeWitt Clinton, 
of New York, Federalist, 89. For Vice-President, Elbridge Gerry, of Massa- 
chusetts, Republican, 131 ; Jared Ingersoll, of Pennsylvania, Federalist, 86. 
Vacancy, 1. Madison was chosen President and Gerry Vice-President. 

1S16. — For President, James Monroe, of Virginia, Republican, 183 ; 
Rufus King, of New York, Federalist, 34. For Vice-President, Daniel D. 
Tompkins, of New York, Republican, 1S3 ; John Eager Howard, of Mary- 
land, Federalist, 22 ; James Ross, of Pennsylvania, 5 ; John Marshall, of 
Virginia, 4 ; Robert G. Harper, of Maryland, 3. Vacancies, 4. Monroe was 
chosen President and Tompkins Vice-President. 

1820. — For President, James Monroe, of Virginia, Republican, 231 
John Q. Adams, of Massachusetts, Republican, 1. For Vice-President, 
Daniel D. Tompkins, Republican, 218 ; Richard Stockton, of New Jersey, 
S ; Daniel Rodney, of Delaware, 4 ; Robert G. Harper, of Maryland, and 
Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania, 1 vote each. Vacancies, 3. Monroe was 
chosen President and Tompkins Vice-President. 

1824. — For President, Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee, Republican, 99; 
John Q. Adams, of Massachusetts, Republican, 84 ; Henry Clay, of Ken- 
tucky, Republican, 37 ; William H. Crawford, of Georgia, Republican, 41. 
For Vice-President, John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, Republican, 182; 
Nathan Sanford, of New York, Republican, 30 ; Nathaniel Macon, of North 
Carolina, Republican, 24; Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee, Republican, 13 ; 
Martin Van Buren, of New York, Republican, 9 ; Henry Clay, of Kentucky, 
Republican, 2. No candidate having a majority of the electoral vote, the 
House of Representatives elected Adams as President. Calhoun was chosen 
Vice-President. 

1828. — For President, Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee, Democrat, 178 ; 
John Q. Adams, of Massachusetts, National Republican, 83. For Vice-Presi- 
dent, John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, Democrat, 171 ; Richard Rush, of 
Pennsylvania, National Republican, 83 ; William Smith, of South Carolina, 
Democrat, 7. Jackson was chosen President and Calhoun Vice-Presi- 
dent. 

1832. — For President, Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee, Democrat, 219 ; 
Henry Clay, of Kentucky, National Republican, 49 ; John Floyd, of Georgia, 
Independent, 11 ; William Wirt, of Maryland, Anti-Masonic, 7. For Vice- 
President, Martin Van Buren, of New York, Democrat, 189 ; John Sergeant, 
of Pennsylvania, National Republican, 49 ; Henry Dee, of Massachusetts, In- 
dependent, 11 ; Amos Ellmaker, of Pennsylvania, Anti-Masonic, 7 ; William 



149 

Wilkins, of Pennsylvania, Democrat, 30. Jackson was choscd President and 
Van Buren Vice-President. 

1836. — For President, Martin Van Buren, of New Vork, Democrat, 170; 
W. H. Harrison, of Ohio, Whig, 73; Hugh L. White, of Tennessee, Whig, 
26; Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, Whig, 14; Willie P. Maiigum, of 
North Carolina, Whig, 11. For Vice-President, R. M.Johnson, of Ken- 
tucky, Democrat, 147 ; Francis Granger, of New Vork, Whig, 77 ; John Ty- 
ler, of Virginia, Whig, 47 ; William Smith, of Alabama, Democrat, 23. Van 
Buren was chosen President, and there being no choice for Vice-President, 
the Senate elected Johnson. 

1840. — For President, W. H. Harrison, of Ohio, Whig, 234 ; Martin Van 
Buren, of New York, Democrat, 60. For Vice-President, John Tyler, of Vir- 
ginia, Whig, 234 ; R. M. Johnson, of Kentucky, Democrat, 48 ; L. W. Taze- 
well, of Virginia, Democrat, 11 ; James K. Polk, of Tennessee, Democrat, 1. 
Harrison w r as chosen President and Tyler Vice-President. 

1844. — For President, James K. Polk, of Tennessee, Democrat, 170 
Henry Clay, of Kentucky, Whig, 105. For Vice-President, George M. Dallas, 
of Pennsylvania, Democrat, 170 ; F. Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey, Whig, 
105. Polk was chosen President and Dallas Vice-President. 

1848. — For President, Zachary Taylor, of Louisiana, Whig, 163 ; Lewis 
Cass, of Michigan, Democrat, 127. For Vice-President, Millard Fillmore, of 
New York, Whig, 163 ; William O. Butler, of Kentucky, Democrat, 127. 
Taylor was chosen President and Fillmore Vice-President. 

1852. — For President, Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, Democrat, 
254 ; Winfield Scott, of New Jersey, Whig, 42. For Vice-President,, William 
R. King, of Alabama, Democrat, 254 ; William A. Graham, of North Carolina, 
Whig, 42. Pierce was chosen President and King Vice-President. 

1856. — For President, James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, Democrat, 
174; John C. Fremont, of California, Republican, 114 ; Millard Fillmore, of 
New York, American, S. For Vice-President, J. C. Breckenridge, of Ken- 
tucky Democrat, 174; William L. Dayton, of New Jersey, Republican, 114; 
A J. Donelson, of Tennessee, American, S. Buchanan was chosen Presi- 
dent and Breckenridge Vice-President. 

i860. — For President, Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, Republican, 1*0; 
Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, Democrat, 12 ; J. C. Breckenridge, of Ken- 
tucky, Democrat, 72 ; John Bell, of Tennessee, Union, 39. For Vice-Presi- 
dent, Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, Republican, 180 ; H.V.Johnson, of Georgia, 
Democrat, 12 ; Joseph Lane, of Oregon, Democrat, 72 ; Edward Everett, of 
Massachusetts, Union, 39. Lincoln was chosen President and Hamlin Vice- 
President. 

1864.- For President, Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, Republican, 212 ; 
George B. McClellau, of New Jersey, Democrat, 21. For Vice-President, 
Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, Republican, 212 ; George H. Pendleton, of 
Ohio, Democrat, 21. Lincoln was chosen President and Johnson Vice- 
President. 

1S68.— For President, Ulysses S. Grant, of Illinois, Republican, 214 ; 
Horatio Seymour, of New York, Democrat, So. For Vice-President, Schuy- 
ler Colfax, of Indiana, Republican, 214 ; F. P. Blair, Jr., of Missouri, Demo- 
crat, 80. Grant was chosen President and Colfax Vice-President. 

1S72.— For President, Ulysses S. Grant, of Illinois, Republican, 286 ; 



150 

Horace Greeley, of New York, Democrat and Liberal Republican, died, and 
the Democratic electors scattered their vote ; Thomas A. Hendricks, of 
Indiana, Democrat, 42 ; B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri, Democrat, 18 ; Charles 
J. Jenkins, of Georgia, Democrat, 2 ; David Davis, of Illinois, Independent, 
1. For Vice-President, Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, Republican, 286 ; 
B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri, Democrat and Liberal Republican, 47 ; George 
W.Julian, of Indiana, Liberal, 5 ; A. H. Colquitt, of Georgia, Democrat, 5 ; 
John M. Palmer, of Illinois, Democrat, 3 ; T. E. Bramlett, of Kentucky, 
Democrat, 3 ; W. S. Groesbeck, of Ohio, Democrat, 1 ; Willis B. Machen, of 
Kentucky, Democrat, 1 ; N. P. Banks, of Massachusetts, Liberal, 1. Grant 
was chosen President and Wilson Vice-President. 

1S76. — For President, Samuel J. Tilden, of New York, Democrat, 184; 
Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio, Republican, 185. For Vice-President, 
Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, Democrat, 184 ; William A. Wheeler, of 
New York, Republican, 185, Hayes was chosen President and Wheeler 
Vice-President. 

1880. — For President, James A. Garfield, of Ohio, Republican, 214; 
Winfield S. Hancock, of Pennsylvania, Democrat, 155. For Vice-President, 
Chester A. Arthur, of New York, Republican, 214 ; William H. English, of 
Indiana, Democrat, 155. Garfield was chosen President and Arthur Vice- 
President. 

1884. — For President, Grover Cleveland, of New York, Democrat, 219; 
James G. Blaine, of Maine, Republican, 182. For Vice-President, Thomas 
A. Hendricks, of Indiana, Democrat, 219; John A. Logan, of Illinois, Re- 
publican, 182. Cleveland was chosen President and Hendricks Vice- 
President. 

1888. — For President, Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana, Republican, 233; 
Grover Cleveland, of New York, Democrat, 168. For Vice-President, Levi 
P. Morton, of New York, Republican, 233 ; Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, 
Democrat, 168. Harrison was chosen President and Morton Vice-President. 

1892. — For President, Grover Cleveland, Democrat, 277 ; Benjamin 
Harrison, Republican, 145 ; James B. Weaver, of Iowa, People's Party, 22. 
For Vice-President, Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois, Democrat, 277 ; White- 
law Reid, of New York, Republican, 145 ; James G. Field, of Virginia, 
People's Party, 22. Cleveland was chosen President and Stevenson Vice- 
President. 



POPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES FROM 

1824 to 1892. 

NOTE. — Properly speaking, there is no popular vote for President and 
Vice-President ; the people vote for electors, who meet in each State and 
vote for the candidates. The record of any popular vote for electors prior 
to 1824 is so imperfect that a compilation would be useless. In most of the 
States for more than a quarter of a century following the establishment of 
the Government, the State Legislatures " appointed " the Presidential elect- 
ors, and the people voted only indirectly for them, their choice being ex- 
pressed by their votes for members of the Legislature. 

1824.— J. Q. Adams had 105,321 to 155,872 for Jackson, 44,282 for Craw- 
ford, and 46,587 for Clay. Jackson over Adams, 50,551. Adams less than 



151 

combined vote of others, 140,869. Of the whole vote Adams had 29.92 per 
cent., Jackson 44-27, Clay 13.23, Crawford 13.23. Adams elected by House 
of Representatives. 

1828.— Jackson had 647,231 to 509,097 for J. Q. Adams. Jackson's ma- 
jority, 138,134. Of the whole vote Jackson had 55.97 per cent., Adams 44.03. 

1832.— Jackson had 687,502 to 530,189 for Clay, and 33,108 for Boyd and 
Wirt combined. Jackson's majority, 124,205. Of the whole vote Jackson 
had 54-9 6 P e r cent., Clay 42.39, and the others combined 2.65. 

1836. — Van Buren had 761,549 to 736,656, the combined vote for Harrison, 
White, Webster and Mangum. Van Buren's majority, 24,893. Of the whole 
vote Van Buren had 50.83 per cent., and the others combined 49.17. 

1840. — Harrison had 1,275,017 to 1,128,702 for Van Buren, and 7,059 for 
Birney. Harrison's majority, 139,256. Of the whole vote Harrison had 52.89 
per cent., Van Buren, 46.82, and Birney .29. 

1844. — Polk had 1,337,243 to 1,299,068 for Clay and 62,300 for Birney. 
Polk over Clay, 38,175. Polk less than others combined, 24,125. Of the 
■whole vote Polk had 49.55 per cent., Clay 48.14, and Birney 2.21. 

1848. — Taylor had 1,360,101 to 1,220,544 for Cass, and 291,263 for Van 
Buren. Taylor over Cass 139,577. Taylor less than others combined, 151,706. 
Of the whole vote Taylor had 47.36 per cent. , Cass 42.50, and Van Buren 10. 14. 

1852.— Pierce had 1,601,474 to 1,386,578 for Scott, and 156,149 for Hale. 
Pierce over all, 58,747. Of the whole vote Pierce had 50.90 per cent., Scott 
44.10, and Hale 4.97. 

1856. — Buchanan had 1,838,169 to 1,341,264 for Fremont, and 874,534 for 
Fillmore. Buchanan over Fremont, 496,905. Buchanan less than combined 
vote of others, 377,629. Of the whole vote Buchanan had 45.34 per cent., 
Fremont 33.09, and Fillmore 21.57. 

i860. — Lincoln had 1,866,352 to 1,375,157 for Douglas, 845,763 for Breck- 
enridge, and 589,581 for Bell. Lincoln over Breckenridge, 491,195. Lincoln 
less than Douglas and Breckenridge combined, 354,568. Lincoln less than 
combined vote of all others, 944,149. Of the whole vote Lincoln had 39.91 
percent., Douglas 29.40, Breckenridge 18.08, and Bell, 12. 6r. 

1864. — Lincoln had 2,216,067 to 1,808,725 for McClellan (eleven States 
not voting, viz. : Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, 
North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas and Virginia). Lincoln's 
majority, 408,342. Of the whole vote Lincoln had 55.06 per cent, and Mc- 
Clellan 44.94. 

1868.— Grant had 3,015,071 to 2,709,613 for Seymour (three States not 
voting, viz. : Mississippi, Texas and Virginia). Grant's maiority, 305,45b. 
Of the whole vote Grant had 52.67 per cent, and Seymour 47.33. 

1872. — Grant had 3,597,070 to 2,834,079 for Greeley, 29,408 for O'Conor, 
and 5,608 for Black. Grant's majority, 729,975. Of the whole vote Grant 
had 55.63 per cent., Greeley 43.83, O'Conor .15, Black .09. 

1876. — Hayes had 4,033,950 to 4,284,885 for Tilden, 81,740 for Cooper, 
9,522 for Smith, and 2,636 scattering. Tilden's majority over Haves, 250,935. 
Tilden's majority of the entire vote cast, 157,037. Hayes less than the com- 
bined vote of others, 344,833. Of the whole vote cast Hayes had 47.95 per 
cent., Tilden 50.94, Cooper .97, Smith .11, scattering .03. 

1880. — Garfield had 4, 449,053 to4, 442,035 for Hancock, 307, 306 for Weaver, 
and 12,576 scattering. Garfield over Hancock, 7,018. Garfield less than the 



152 



combined vote for the others, 313,864. Of the popular vote Garfield had 
48.26 per cent., Hancock 48.25, Weaver 3.33, scattering .13. 

1884.— Cleveland had 4,874,986 to 4,851,981 for Blaine, 150,369 for St. 
John, 173,370 for Butler. Cleveland had over Blaine 23,006. Cleveland had 
48.48 per cent., Blaine 48.22, St. John 1.49, Butler 1.74. 

1888. — Harrison had 5,441,902 to 5,538,560 for Cleveland, 249,937 for 
Fisk, 147,521 for Streeter, 3,073 for Cowdrey, 1,591 for Curtis, and 9,845 
scattering. Harrison had 96,658 less than Cleveland. Of the whole vote 
Harrison had 47.83 per cent., Cleveland 48.63, Fisk 2.21, and Streeter 1.30. 

1892. —Cleveland had 5,556,562 to 5,162,874 for Harrison, 264,066 for 
Bidwell, 1,055,424 for Weaver, and 22,613 for Wing. Of the whole vote 
Cleveland had 45.73 per cent., Harrison 42.49, Bidwell, 2.17, and Weaver 8.67. 
Adams, Federalist; Polk, Buchanan and Cleveland, Democrats; Taylor, Whig; Lincoln, 
Hayes, Garfield and Harrison, Republicans, did not, when elected, receive a majority of the 
popular vote. The highest percentage of popular vote received by any President was 55.97 for 
Jackson, Democrat, in 1828, and the lowest, 39.91 for Lincoln, Republican, in 1860. 
ELECTORAL VOTE, 1872-92. 



States. 


1892 


1888 


1884 


1880 


1876 


1872 


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8 

8 

8 
15 


11 

5 

8 
7 

13' 

11 

5 










13 
8 


13 

8 


g 




6 


6 


* 




6 










8 


8 


8 




15 
9 
9 


14 
13 

7 


14 
13 
7 








5 














9 
17 


9 
16 










6 




3 

8 






5 
3 
4 












5 
3 
4 


9 
36 
11 


3 
...„. 

35 


3 
9 
10 


3 
3 
5 


9 
35 
10 


3 
5 
9 
35 
10 






3 




9 
11 






4 








10 

3(i 
11 
1 
1 






36 
















1 
22 

3 
32 

4 


1 
1 




Ohio 




23 
3 

30 
4 

4 


23 
3 

30 
4 

4 


9 

12 
13 

12 


•z2 

3 

29 

4 

5 


7 

12 
8 

11 


22 
3 

29 

4 

7 
5 


12 

8 

11 


22 
3 

29 
4 
7 

5 
11 






























9 

12 

15 


9 

12 
13 






4 








12 








8 




4 










12 


12 






4 










6 
12 


6 


11 


11 


6 
219 


10 


5 


10 


5 


5 
10 














3 
145 








22 


277 


168 


233 


182 


214 


155 


185 


184 


286 




Total 


42 



* Rejected. 



153 

CANDIDATES FOR PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT 
FROM 1789 TO 1892. 

AGGREGATE POPULAR VOTE AND ELECTORAL VOTE FOR CANDIDATES FOR 

PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT AT EACH ELECTION. 

ELECTORAL VOTES. 

1789. — Previous to 1804, each elector voted for two candidates for Pres- 
ident. The one who received the largest number of votes was declared 
President, and the one who received the next largest number of votes 
was declared Vice-President. The electoral votes for the first President of 
the United States were: George Washington, 69; John Adams, of Massa- 
chusetts, 34; John Jay, of New York, 9; R. H. Harrison, of Maryland, 6- 
John Rutledge, of South Carolina, 6; John Hancock, of Massachusetts, 4; 
George Clinton, of New York, 3; Samuel Huntingdon, of Connecticut, 2; 
John Milton, of Georgia, 2 ; James Armstrong, of Georgia, Benjamin Lin- 
coln, of Massachusetts, and Edward Telfair, of Georgia, 1 vote each. Va- 
cancies (votes not cast), 4. George Washington was chosen President and 
John Adams Vice-President. 

1792. — George Washington, Federalist, received 132 votes ; John Adams, 
Federalist, 77; George Clinton, of New York, Republican (a), 50; Thomas 
Jefferson, of Virginia, Republican, 4; Aaron Burr, of New York, Republican, 

1 vote. Vacancies, 3. George Washington was chosen President and John 
Adams Vice-President. 

1796. — John Adams, Federalist, 71; Thomas Jefferson, Republican, 68; 
Thomas Pinckney, of South Carolina, Federalist, 59; Aaron Burr, of New 
York, Republican, 30: Samuel Adams, of Massachusetts, Republican, 15. 
Oliver Ellsworth, of Connecticut, Independent, 11 ; George Clinton, of New 
York, Republican, 7 ; John Jay, of New York, Federalist, 5 ; James Iredell, 
■of North Carolina, Federalist, 3 ; George Washington, of Virginia, John 
Henry, of Maryland, and S. Johnson, of North Carolina, all Federalists, 

2 votes each; Charles Cotesworth Pinckney of South Carolina, Federalist, 
1 vote. John Adams was chosen President and Thomas Jefferson Vice- 
President. 

1S00. — Thomas Jefferson, Republican, 73 ; Aaron Burr, Republican, 73 ; 
John Adams, Federalist, 65 ; Charles C. Pinckney, Federalist, 64 ; John Jay, 
Federalist, 1 vote. There being a tie vote for Jefferson and Burr, the choice 
devolved upon the House of Representatives. Jefferson received the votes 
of ten States, which, being the largest vote cast for a candidate, elected 
him President. Burr received the votes of four States, which, being the 
next largest vote, elected him Vice-President. There were two blank votes- 

1804. — The Constitution of the United States having been amended, the 
electors at this election voted for a President and a Vice-President, instead 
of for two candidates for President. The result was as follows : For Presi- 
dent, Thomas Jefferson, Republican, 162 ; Charles C. Pinckney, Federalist, 
14. For Vice-President, George Clinton, Republican, 162; Rufus King, 
of New York, Federalist, 14. Jefferson was chosen President and Clinton 
Vice-President. 

!8o8. — For President, James Madison, of Virginia, Republican, 122; 
Charles C. Pinckney, of South Carolina, Federalist, 47 ; George Clinton, of 



154 



New York, Republican, 6. For Vice-President, George Clinton, Republican,. 
113; Rufus King, of New York, Federalist, 47; John Langdon, of New- 
Hampshire, 9; James Madison, 3 ; James Monroe, 3. Vacancy, 1. Madison 
was chosen President and Clinton Vice-President. 

1812. — For President, James Madison, Republican, 128; De Witt Clin- 
ton, of New York, Federalist, 89. For Vice-President, Elbridge Gerry, of 
Massachusetts, Republican, 131 ; Jared Ingersoll, of Pennsylvania, Federalist, 
86. Vacancy, 1. Madison was chosen President and Gerry Vice-President- 

1816. — For President, James Monroe, of Virginia, Republican, 183 ;. 
Rufus King, of New York, Federalist, 34. For Vice-President, Daniel D. 
Tompkins, of New York, Republican, 183 ; John Eager Howard, of Maryland, 
Federalist, 22 ; James Ross, of Pennsylvania, 5 ; John Marshall, of Virginia*- 
4 ; Robert G. Harper, of Maryland, 3. Vacancies, 4. Monroe was chosen 
President and Tompkins Vice-President. 

1820. — For President, James Monroe, of Virginia, Republican, 231 ; 
John O. Adams, of Massachusetts, Republican, 1. For Vice-President,. 
Daniel D. Tompkins, Republican, 218 ; Richard Stockton, of New Jersey, 8 ;. 
Daniel Rodney, of Delaware, 4 ; Robert G. Harper, of Maryland, and 
Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania, 1 vote each. Vacancies, 3. James Monroe 
was chosen President and Daniel D. Tompkins Vice-President. 



ELECTORAL AND POPULAR VOTES. 






1824 



1828 



18*2 



1HSH 



hi 1 
1848 
1852 



Candidates for 
President. 



Andrew Jackson ITenn. Rep. 

John Q. Adarus*.. .. Mass. Rep. 

Henry Clay Ky ... Rep. 

Wm. H. Crawford*.... Ga .... Rep. 



Andrew Jackson* Tenn. Dem 

John Q. Adams Mass. Nat. R. 



Andrew Jackson* Tenn. Dem. .. 

Henry Clay Ky (Nat. R. 

Joan Floyd (in End 

William Wirt (c) Md.... An. M. 



Martin Van Buren*...jN. Y 

W. H. Harrison 

Hugh L White Tenn 

Daniel Webster Mass 

Willie P. Mangum N. C. 

W. H.Tlarrison* 6 



Martin Van Buren.... N. Y. 
James G. Birney jN. Y. 

James K. Polk* Tenn 

Henry Clay !Ky. 

JamesG. Birney |N. Y 



Zachary Taylor* |La.... 

Lewis Cass Mich 

Martin Van Buren. ...!N. Y. 

Franklin Pierce* : N. H 

Winfleld Scott ,N. J 

John P. Hale N. H 







155,872 
105,321 
46,587 
44,282 



647,231 

509,097 



687,502 
530,189 

33,108 



761,549 



50,551 



138,134 



157,313 



24,893 



o ° 



(b) 99 
84 
37 
41 



178 

83 



219 

4'.l 

11 

7 



146,315 



38,175 



139,557 



220,896 



172 

74 
26 
14 
11 
2X1 
60 



Candidates 
for Vice-President. 



John C. Calhoun*., 
Nathan San ford.... 
Nathaniel Macon.. 
Andrew Jackson... 

M. Van Buren 

Henry Clay 



John C. Calhoun*. 

Richard Rush 

William Smith 



M. Van Buren 

John Sergeant 

Henry Lee , 

Amos Ellmaker (c). 
Wm. Wilkins 



R. M. Johnson td)* 

Francis Granger 

John Tyler 

William Smith 



17(i 
105 



163 

127 



264 

•13 



John Tyler* 

R. M. Johnson.. 
L W. Tazewell ... 
James K. Polk.. .. 



George M. Dallas*. . . 
T. Frelinghuysen.... 
Thomas Morris 



Millard Fillmore*. 
William O. Butler.. 
Charles F. Adams.. 



William R. Kins*.. .. 
William A. Graham . 
George W. Julian 



Dem .... 
Nat. R.. 

Ind 

Anti M.. 
Dem 



Whig . 
Dem. . 
Dem. . 
Dem. . 



Dem. . 
Whig . 
Lib... 



N. Y. 
Ky.... 

Mass 



Ala.. 
N. C. 
Ind.. 



Dem. ... 
Whig ... 
F. D. 



155 



CANDIDATES FOR PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT-Contourd 






Candidates for 
President. 



1856 James Buchanan*. . 
John C. Fremont.... 
jMillard Fillmore.... 



i860 



Abraham Lincoln*.... 
Stephen A. Douglas... 

J. C. Breckinridge 

John Bell 



1864 Abraham Lincoln* ... 
_ iGeorgeJi.JtfcClellan . 
18681 Ulysses~S.~Grant* 

Horatio Seymour 

1872 Ulysses S. Grant* 

^Horace Greeley 

Charles O'Conor 

James Black 

Thomas A.Hendricks 

B. Gratz-Brown 

Charles J. Jenkins..... 

David Davis 



CO 



1880 



1881 



1888 



1892 



Samuel J. Tilden 

Rutherford B. Hayes* 

Peter Cooper 

Green Clay Smith 

James B. Walker 



Pa.... 
Cal... 
N. Y 

111 

Ill 

Ky.... 
Tenn 

111 
N^ J 
111 
N. Y 
111... 
N. Y 
N. Y 
Pa.. 
Ind. 
Mo... 
Ga... 
111.... 



r-. >> 

03 tj 

•-A 04 

O 
PM 



James A. Garfield*. 

W. S. Hancock 

James B Weaver .. 

Neai Dow 

John W. Phelps 



Grover Cleveland*... 

James G. Blaine 

John P. St. John 

Benjamin F. Butler. 
P. D. Wigginton 



Grover Cleveland. 
Benjamin Harrison*. 

Clinton B Fisk , 

Alson J. Streeter 

R. H. Cowdrv 

James L. Curtis 



Grover Cleveland*.... 
Benjamin Harrison.. 

James B. Weaver 

John Bidwell 

Simon Wing 



N Y. 

O 

N. Y. 

Ky 

Ill 

O 

Pa. ... 
Iowa 
Me.... 
Vt.... 
N. Y. 
Me.... 
Kans 
Mass 
Cal... 
N. Y. 
Ind.. 
N J 

111 

Ill 

N. Y. 
N. Y. 
Ind... 
Iowa. 
Cal... 
Mass. 



Dem .... 

Rep ... 
Amer.. 

Rep 

Dem... 

Dem.... 

I'nion. 

RepT 

Dem. 

Rep. 
Dem.. 
Rep. 
D. &. L. 

Dem 

Temp... 
Dem ..., 

Dem 

Dem 

Ind 



Dem 

Rep.. .. 
Gre'nb. 

Pro 

Amer .. 



Rep- ... 
Dem .... 
Gre'nb. 

Pro 

Amer... 



Dem.... 
Rep .. .. 

Pro 

Peop.... 
Amer.. 
Dem. 
Rep .... 
Pro. .. 
U'd. L. 
U'd. L. 
Amer .. 



Dem... 

Rep 

Peop.. 

Pro 

Soc. L. 



1,838,169 

1,341,264 

874,538 

1,866,852 

1,375,157 

845,763 

589,581 



2,216,067 

1,808,725 



496,905 



491,195 



407,342 



3,015,071 
2,709,615: 



305,456 



3,597,070 1 

2,834,079 ! 

29,4081 

5,608 



762,991 



4.284,885 

4,033,950 

81,740 

9,522 

2,636 



o a> 

op 

W 



Candidates 
for Vice-President. 



174 J. C. Breckinridge*... 

114! William L. Dayton... 

8 A. J. Donelson 



180 Hannibal Hamlin* . 

12 H. V. Johnson 

72 Joseph Lane 

39! Edward Everett 



co 



(e)212i Andrew Johnson* 

21 George H. Pendleton, 

(f ) 214 1 Schuyler Colfax* 

80 F. P. Blair, Jr 

286;Henry Wilson* 

(g) ... B. Gratz-Brown 

John Q. Adams 

iJohn Russell 

42[George W. Julian .... 

18 A. H. Colquitt 

2 John M. Palmer 

T. E. Bramlette 

VV. S. Groesbeck 

Willis B. Machen 

N. P. Banks 



250,935 



4,449,053 

4,442,035 

307,306 

10,305 

707 



7,018 



4,911,017 

4,848,334 

151,809 

133,825 



62,683 



5.538,233 

5,440,216 

249,907 

148,105 

2,808 

1,591 



98,017 



5,556,918, 

5,176,108 

1,041,028 

264,133 

21,164 



380,810 



184 T. A. Hendricks 

(h) 185 William A. Wheeler* 

|Samuel F. Cary 

iGideon T. Stewart.. .. 

JD. Kirkpatrick 

~2ll Chester A. Arthur*. . 

155 William H. English... 

B. J.Chambers 

H. A. Thompson 

iS. C. Pomerov 



219|T. A. Hendricks* . 

182 John A. Logan.. 

(William Daniel. 

:A. M. West 



168 Allen G. Thurman. 

233! Levi P. Mdrton* 

John A. Brooks 

|C. E. Cunningham... 

W. H.T.Wakefield... 

i James B. Gr eer 

"277 AdiaTE~Ste venson*. • 

145 Whitelaw Reid 

22 James G. Field 

'James B. Cranfill 

Charles H. Matchett. 



Ky. ... 
N. J.. 
Tenn. 

Me 

Ga 

Ore ... 
Mass. 
Tenn 

O 

Ind.., 
Mo. ... 
Mass. 
Mo ... 
Mass 
Mich 
Ind.. 

Ga 

Ill 

Ky. ... 

O 

Ky 

Mass. 
IHcTT. 
N. Y.. 

O 

O 

N. Y. 
N. Y. 
Ind... 
Tex... 

O 

Kan. 
Ind.. 

Ill 

Md... 
Miss.. 

O 

N. Y., 
Mo... 
Ark... 
Kans 
Tenn 

in..... 

N. Y. 
Va. .. 
Tex.. 

,N. Y. 



-* 




st; 


i- ai 


.2 « 


O a» 


Sfc 


u O 




2> 


Pn 


W 


Dem 


174 


Rep 


114 


Amer... 


8 


Rep 


INI 


Dem. ... 


12 


Dem. ... 


72 


I'nion.. 


3!l 


Kep 


212 


Dem.... 


21 


Rep 


214 


Dem.... 


80 


Rep .... 


286 


D. L 


47 










Lib 


5 


Dem. ... 


5 


Dem. ... 


3 


Dem. ... 


3 


Dem. ... 


1 


Dem. ... 


1 


Lib 


1 


Dem 


184 


Rep 


185 














Rep 


214 


Dem. ... 


155 






Pro 




Amer... 




Dem. ... 


219 


Rep 


233 


Pro 
















Dem .... 


168 


Rep 


182 


Pro. 




U'd L... 




U'd L... 




Amer. .. 




Dem .... 


277 


Rep 


146 


Peop 


22 



Pro 

Soc. L.. 



* The candidates starred were elected, (a) The first Republican party is claimed by the present Demo- 
cratic party as its progenitor, (b) No candidates having a majority of the electoral vote, the House of 
Representatives elected Adams, (c) Candidates of the Anti-Masonic Party, (d) There being no choice, the 
Senate elected Johnson, (e) Eleven Southern States, being within ithe belligerent territory, did not vote. 
(f ) Three Southern States disfranchised, (g) Horace Greeley died after election, and Democratic electois 
scattered their votes, (h) There being a dispute over the electoral votes of Florida, Louisiana, Oregon and 
South Carolina, they were referred by Congress to an electoral commission composed of eight Republicans 
and seven Democrats, which, by a strict party vote, awarded 185 electoral votes to Hayes and 184 to Tilden . 
(1) Free Democrat. 



156 

ELECTORAL COLLEGE BY STATES. 

ELECTORAL, COLLEGE in 1892 was the same as it is in 1896, except 
that Utah, having just been admitted as a State, is entitled to three 
votes, making the number of votes in 1896, 447, against 444 in 1S92. 
Therefore 224 votes must be cast for some one candidate, or the 
election will go to the House of Representatives, where each State is enti- 
tled to only one vote, making the vote of twenty-three States for some can- 
didate necessary for his election. 

The following is the electoral vote by States : Alabama, 11 ; Arkansas, 
8; California, 9; Colorado, 4; Connecticut, 6; Delaware, 3; Florida, 4; 
Georgia, 13 ; Idaho, 3 ; Illinois, 24 ; Indiana, 15 ; Iowa, 13 ; Kansas, 10 ; 
Kentucky, 13 ; Louisiana, 8 ; Maine, 6 ; Maryland, 8 ; Massachusetts, 15 ; 
Michigan, 14; Minnesota, 9; Mississippi, 9; Missouri, 17; Montana, 3; 
Nebraska, 8 ; Nevada, 3 ; New Hampshire, 4; New Jersey, 10; New York, 
36; North Carolina, 11; North Dakota, 3 ; Ohio, 23; Oregon, 4; Pennsyl- 
vania, 32 ; Rhode Island, 4 ; South Carolina, 9 ; South Dakota, 4 ; Tennes- 
see, 12; Texas, 15; Utah, 3 ; Vermont, 4; Virginia, 12; Washington, 4; 
West Virginia, 6; Wisconsin, 12, and Wyoming, 3. 

HOW THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES IS 

CHOSEN. 

Technically speaking, the President is not elected by the people, and 
the people do not vote directly for any Presidential candidate. They cast 
their ballots for electors, and these electors choose a President and Vice- 
President. In each State the number of electors is equal to the number of 
Senators and Representatives which the State has in Congress. Each party 
has an electoral ticket with the names of its electors printed on it. 

The electoral ticket which receives the greatest number of popular bal- 
lots in the State would be chosen by the people, and the electors named on 
it will be entitled to give their votes for the candidate whom they represent. 

The electors who are chosen will meet in each State on the second Mon- 
day in January, and cast their votes for a President and Vice-President. As 
a matter of law, they can then vote for whom they please. As a matter of 
usage and public trust, they are expected to vote for the candidate whom 
the}- are pledged to support. 

The following law, given in full, passed February 3d, 1887, governs the 
counting of the electoral vote : 

An act to fix the day for the meeting of the electorals of President and 
Vice-President, and to provide for and regulate the counting of the votes for 
President and Vice-President, and the decision of questions arising thereon. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives 
of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the 
electors of each State shall meet and give their votes on the second Monday 
in January next following their appointment at such place in each State as 
the Legislature of such State shall direct. 

SEC. 2. That if any State shall have provided, by laws enacted prior 
to the day fixed for the appointment of the electors, for its final determina- 
tion of any controversy or contest concerning the appointment of all or any 



157 

of the electors of such State, by judicial or other methods or procedures, 
and such determination shall have been made at Least six days before the 
time fixed for the meeting of the electors, such determination made pur- 
suant to such law so existing on said day, and made at least six days prioi 

to the said time of meeting of the electors, shall be conclusive, and shall 
govern in the counting of the electoral votes as provided in the Constitu- 
tion, and as hereinafter regulated, so far as the ascertainment of the electors 
appointed by such State is concerned. 

SEC. 3. That it shall he the duty of the Executive of each State, as soon 
as practicable after the conclusion of the appointment of electors in such 
State, by the final ascertainment under and in pursuance of the laws of such 
State providing for such ascertainment, to communicate, under the seal of 
the State, to the Secretary of State of the United States, a certificate of such 
ascertainment of the electors appointed, setting forth the names of such 
electors and the canvass or other ascertainment under the laws of such State 
of the number of votes given or cast for each person for whose appointment 
any and all votes have been given or cast ; and it shall also thereupon be the 
duty of the Executive of each State to deliver to the electors of such State, 
on or before the day on which they are required by the preceding section to 
meet, the same certificate, in triplicate, under the seal of the State ; and 
such certificate shall be inclosed and transmitted by the electors at the same 
time and in the same manner as is provided by law for transmitting by such 
electors to the seat of government the lists of all persons voted for as Presi- 
dent and of all persons voted for as Vice-President ; and section one hundred 
and thirty-six of the Revised Statutes is hereby repealed ; and if there shall 
have been any final determination in a State of a controversy or contest as 
provided for in section two of this act, it shall be the duty of the Executive 
of such State, as soon as practicable after such determination, to communi- 
cate, under the seal of the State, to the Secretary of State of the United 
States a certificate of such determination, in form and manner as the same 
shall have been made ; and the Secretary of State of the United States, as 
soon as practicable after the receipt at the State Department of each of the 
certificates hereinbefore directed to be transmitted to the Secretary of State, 
shall publish, in such public newspaper as he shall designate, such certifi- 
cates in full ; and at the first meeting of Congress thereafter he shall trans- 
mit to the two Houses of Congress copies in full of each and every such 
certificate so received theretofore at the State Department. 

SEC. 4. That Congress shall be in session on the second Wednesday in 
February succeeding every meeting of the electors. The Senate and House 
of Representatives shall meet in the Hall on the House of Representatives, 
at the hour of one o'clock in the afternoon on that day, and the President 
of the Senate shall be their presiding officer. Two tellers shall be previously 
appointed on the part of the Senate and two on the part of the House of 
Representatives, to whom shall be handed, as they are opened by the Pres- 
ident of the Senate, all the certificates and papers purporting to he certifi- 
cates of the electoral votes, which certificates and papers shall be opened, 
presented and acted upon in the alphabetical order of the States, beginning 
with the letter A ; and said tellers, having then read the same in the presence 
and hearing of the two Houses, shall make a list of the votes as they shall 
appear from the said certificates, and the votes having been ascertained and 



158 

counted in the manner and according to the rules in this Act provided, the 
result of the same shall be delivered to the President of the Senate, who shall 
thereupon announce the state of the vote, which announcement shall be 
deemed a sufficient declaration of the persons, if any, elected President and 
Vice-President of the United States, and, together with a list of the votes, be 
entered on the Journals of the two Houses. Upon such reading of any such 
certificate or paper, the President of the Senate shall call for objections, if any. 
Every objection shall be made in writing, and shall state clearly and con- 
cisely, and without argument, the ground thereof, and shall be signed by at 
least one Senator and one member of the House of Representatives before 
the same shall be received. When all objections, so made to any vote or 
paper from a State shall have been received and read, the Senate shall there- 
upon withdraw, and such objections shall be submitted to the Senate for its 
decision ; and the Speaker of the House of Representatives shall in like man- 
ner submit such objections to the House of Representatives for its decision, 
and no electoral vote or votes from any State which shall have been regu- 
larly given by electors whose appointment has been lawfully certified to 
according to Section 3 of this Act, from which but one return has been 
received, shall be rejected, but the two Houses concurrently may reject the 
vote or votes when they agree that such vote or votes have not been so reg- 
ularly given by electors whose appointment has been so certified. If more 
than one return, or paper purporting to be a return from a State, shall have 
been received by the President of the Senate, those votes, and those only, 
shall be counted which shall have been regularly given by the electors who 
are shown by the determination mentioned in Section 2 of this Act to have 
been appointed, if the determination in said Section provided for shall have 
been made, or by such successors or substitutes, in case of a vacancy in the 
Board of Electors so ascertained, as have been appointed to fill such vacancy 
in the mode provided by the laws of the State ; but in case there shall arise 
the question which of two or more of such State authorities determining 
what electors have been appointed as mentioned in Section 2 of this Act, 
is the lawful tribunal of such State, the votes regularly given of those elec- 
tors, and those only, of such State, shall be counted whose title as electors 
the two Houses, acting separately, shall concurrently decide is supported by 
the decision of such State so authorized by its laws ; and in such case of 
more than one return or paper purporting to be a return from a State, if 
there shall have been no such determination of the question in the State 
aforesaid, then those votes, and those only, shall be counted which the two 
Houses shall concurrently decide were cast by lawful electors appointed in 
accordance with the laws of the State, unless the two Houses, acting sep- 
arately, shall concurrently decide such votes not to be the lawful votes of 
the legally appointed electors of such State. But if the two Houses shall 
disagree in respect of the counting of such votes, then, and in that case, 
the votes of the electors whose appointment shall have been certified by 
the Executive of the State, under the seal thereof, shall be counted. When 
the two Houses have voted, they shall immediately again meet, and the 
presiding officer shall then announce the decision of the questions sub- 
mitted. No votes or papers from any other State shall be acted upon until 
the objections previously made to the votes or papers from any State shall 
have been finally disposed of. 



159 

SEc. 5. That while the two Houses shall he in meeting as provided in 
this act the President of the Senate shall have power to preserve order ; and 
110 debate shall he allowed and no question shall bo put by the presiding 
■officer except to cither House on a motion to withdraw. 

SEC. 6. That when the two Houses separate to decide Upon an objection 
that may have been made to the counting of any electoral vote or votes 
from any State, or other question arising in the matter, each Senator and 
Representative may speak to such objection or question five minutes, and 
not more than once; but after such debate shall have lasted two hours, it 
shall be the duty of the presiding officer of each House to put the main 
question without further debate. 

Sec. 7. That at such joint meeting of the two Houses seats shall be 
provided as follows: Por the President of the Senate, the Speaker's chair; 
for the Speaker, immediately upon his left ; the Senators, in the body of 
the Hall, upon the right of the presiding officer; for the Representatives, in 
the body of the Hall not provided for the Senators ; for the tellers, Secre- 
tary of the Senate and Clerk of the House of Representatives, at the Clerk's 
desk ; for the other officers of the two Houses, in front of the Clerk's desk 
and upon each side of the Speaker's platform. Such joint meeting shall 
not be dissolved until the count of electoral votes shall be completed and 
the result declared ; and no recess shall be taken unless a question shall 
nave arisen in regard to counting any such votes, or otherwise under this 
act, in which case it shall be competent for either House, acting separately, 
in the manner hereinbefore provided, to direct a recess of such House not 
beyond the next calendar day, Sunday excepted, at the hour of ten o'clock 
in the forenoon. But if the counting of the electoral votes and the decla- 
ration of the result shall not have been completed before the fifth calendar 
day next after such first meeting of the two Houses, no further or other 
recess shall be taken by either House. 



160 



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The representation in 1896 is 357, Utah having been admitted as a State 
in 1896, and is entitled to one Representative. Add the 50 Senators, and 
the whole electoral vote in 1S96 is 447. 






1(51 



Governors of all States and Territories, Corrected to Date, with Term 
of Office, Salary and State Capitals. 



State. 



Alabama 

Arkansas 

California 

Colorado 

< Connecticut 

Delaware 

Florida 

Georgia 

Idaho 

Illinois 

Indiana 

Iowa 

Kansas 

^entucky 

Louisiana* 

Maine 

Maryland 

Massachusetts.... 

Minnesota 

Michigan 

Ilississippi 

Missouri 

Montana 

Nebraska 

Nevada 

New Hampshire. 

Hew Jersey 

New York 

North Carolina... 
North Liakota ... 

Ohio 

Oregon 

Pennsylvania 

Rhode Island 

South Carolina.... 

South Dakota 

Tennessee 

Texas 

Utaht 

Vermont 

Virginia 

'Washington 

West Virginia 

"Wisconsin 

Wyoming 



Governors. 



William C. Oates 

James P. < llarke 

James H. Budd 

A. W. Mclntyre 

0. Vincent < offin 

Joshua H. Marvil 

Henry L. Mitchell... 

Win. V. Atkinson 

W. J. McConnell 

.1. P. Altgeld 

Claude Matthews 

Francis M. Drake.... 

E. N. Morrill 

W. 0. Bradley 

Murphy J. Foster 

Henry B. Cleaves 

Llovd Lowndes 

F. T. Greenhalgej; .. 

D. M. Clous>h§ 

John C. Rich 

Anseln J. McLaurin. 

William J. Stone 

John E. Riekards 

S. A. Holeomb 

J. E. Jones 

Charles A. Busiel 

John W. Griggs 

Levi P. Morton 

EliasCarr 

Roger Allin 

AsaS. Bushnell 

W. P. Lord 

D. H. Hastings 

Charles W. Lippitt... 

J. Gary Evans 

C. H. Sheldon 

Peter Turneyl! 

('has. A. Culberson.. 

Caleb W. West 

Q. A. Woodbury 

Charles T. O'Ferrall. 

J. H. McGraw 

Win. H. McCorkle... 

Wm. H. Upham 

\V. A. Richards 



Territories. 



Alaska 

Arizona 

Indian 

New Mexico.. 
Oklahoma 



James Sheakley . 
Louis C. Hughes. 



Wm. T. Thornton. 
W. C. Renfrew 



Term. 



! yrs. 



Term Began. 



Dec. 1, '94. 

Jan., '95. 

'95. 

" '95. 

" 9, '95. 

3d Tues. Jan., '95. 

Jan. 3, '93. 

Nov. 1, '94. 

Jan., '95. 

" 10, '93. 

" 9, '93. 

" '96. 

'95. 

Dec. 10, '95. 

May 24, '92. 

Jan., '95. 

1896. 

1st Wed. Jan., '96. 

Jan. 1, '95. 

'95. 

'96. 

" '93. 

" 2, : 93. 

" 3, '95. 

" '95. 

'95. 

" 20, '96. 

" 1, '95. 

" 1, '93. 

" 1, '95. 

2d Mon. Jan., '96. 

Jan., '95. 

3d Tues. Jan.,'95. 

May 26, '95. 

Dec. 4, '94. 

Jan. 1, '95. 

" 15, '95, 

'95. 



Oct. 6, '94. 
Jan. 1, '94. 
" 11, '93. 
Mar. 4, '93. 
Jan. 8, '95. 
'95. 



Apr. 19, '92. 

1893. 

1895. 
Jan. 1, '95. 
May 11, '93. 



Term Ends. Salary. 



Dec. 1, '96. 

Jan., '97. 

'99. 

'97. 

" 9, '97. 

3d Tues. Jan., '99. 

Jan. 3, '97. 

Nov. 1, '96. 

Jan., '97. 

" 10, '97. 

" 9, '97. 

'98. 

'97. 

Dec. 10, '99. 

May24,'96. 

Jan., '97. 

1900. 

1st Wed. Jan., '97. 

Jan. 1, '97. 

'97. 

1900. 

'97. 

" 2, '97. 

" 3, '97. 

'99. 

'97. 

" 20. '99. 

Dee. 31, '96. 

Jan. 1, '97. 

" 1, '97. 

2d Mon. Jan., '98. 

Jan., '99. 

3d Mon. Jan., '99, 

May26,'96. 

Dee. 1, '96. 

Jan. 1, '97. 

" 15, '97. 

'97. 



(let. 6, '91'.. 
Dec. 31, '97. 
Jan. 11, '97. 
Mar. 4, '97. 
Jan. 8, '97. 
'99. 



Aug.28,'90. 

1S97. 

1899. 
Jan. 1, '99. 
May 10,'97. 



83,000 

3,111111 

6,000 
5,000 
1,000 

2,500 
3,500 
3,000 
3,000 
6,000 
5,000 
3,600 
3,000 
5,000 
4,000 
2,000 
4,500 
8,000 
5,000 
4,000 
4,000 
5,000 
.-..lino 
2,500 
5,900 
2,000 
10,000 

10,000 

3,000 
3,000 
8,000 
1,500 
L0.000 
3,000 
3,500 
2,500 
4.IKH) 
4,000 



Capital. 



Montgomery. 
Little Kock. 
Sacramento. 
Den ver. 

Hart lord. 

Dover. 

Tallahassee. 

Atlanta. 

Boies City. 

Springfield. 

Indianapolis. 

Des Moines. 

Topeka. 

Franklort. 

Baton Rouge. 

Augusta. 

Aiina)>olis. 

Boston. 

St. Paul. 

Lansing. 

Jackson. 

Jefferson City. 

Helena. 

Lincoln. 

Carson City. 

Concord. 

Trenton. 

Albany. 

Raleigh. 

Bismarck. 

Columbus. 

Salem. 

Harrisburg. 

Providence. 

Columbia. 

Pierre. 

Nashville. 

Austin. 



1,500 

5,0110 
4,0110 
2,700 

,",,0011 

2,500 



3,000 
2,600 
2,000 
2,000 

2,600 



Montpelier. 
Kichrnond. 
Olj mpia. 
( Charleston. 
Madison. 
Cheveiine. 



Sitka. 
Phoenix 

Tahlequah. 
Santa Fe. 
Guthrie. 



* Elected to serve from May, 1896, to May, 1900. 
t Admitted as a State 1896. 
t Died 1896. Roger Wokott Acting Governor. 

« Succeeded Governor Knute Nelson, who was elected United bfretes benator. 

|| Oi, tne wee ot the returns H. Clay Evans was elected, but Legislature declared Turney elected on account of 
irregularities in election. 



162 
BRIEF SKETCHES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

GEORGE WASHINGTON was born February 22d, 1732, near Bridges 
Creek, Westmoreland county, Va. His parents were Augustine 
and Maty (Ball) Washington. He was a surveyor in early life and 
afterward a planter. Married, 1759, Mrs. Martha (Dandridge) Cus- 
tis. No children. Died at Mount Vernon, Va., December 14th, 1799. 

John Adams was born October 19th, 1735, at Ouiucy, Norfolk county, 
Mass. His parents were John and Susanna (Boylston) Adams. He was a 
teacher in early life and afterward a lawyer. Graduated Harvard, 1755. 
Married, 1764, Abigail Smith. Three sons and two daughters. Died at 
Quincy, Mass., July 4th, 1826. 

Thomas Jefferson was born April 13th, 1743, at Shadwell, Albemarle 
count}-, Va. His parents were Peter and Jane (Randolph) Jefferson. He 
was a lawyer. Graduated William and Mary College, 1762. Married, 1772, 
Mrs. Martha (Wayles) Skelton. One sou and five daughters. Died at 
Monticello, Va., July 4th, 1826. 

James Madison was born Mareh 16th, I75i,at Port Conway, King George 
county, Va. His parents were James and Nelly (Conway) Madison. He 
was a lawyer. Graduated Princeton, 1771. Married, 1794, Mrs. Dolly 
(Payne) Todd. No children. Died at Moutpelier, Vt., June 28th, 1836. 

James Monroe was born April 28th, 1758, at Head of Monroe's Creek, 
Westmoreland county, Va. His parents were Spence and Eliza (Jones) 
Monroe. He was a lawyer in early life, but abandoned that profession. 
Graduated William and Mary College, 1776. Married, 1786, Eliza Kort- 
right. Two daughters. Died at New Vork city, July 4th, 183 1, in almost 
extreme poverty. 

John Ouiucy Adams was born July nth, 1767, at Quincy, Norfolk county, 
Mass. His parents were John and Abigail (Smith) Adams. He was a lawyer. 
Graduated Harvard, 1787. Married, 1797, Louisa Catherine Johnson. Three 
sons and one daughter. Died at Washington, D. C, February 23d, 1848. 
His mortal illness came upon him in the House of Representatives, while a 
member of that body. 

Andrew Jackson was born March 15th, 1767, near Cureton's Pond, Union 
county, N. C. His parents were Andrew and Elizabeth (Hutchinson) Jack- 
son. He was a lawyer. Married, 1794, Mrs. Rachel (Douelson) Robards. 
No children. Died at Hermitage, Tenn., June 8th, 1845. 

Martin Van Buren was born December 5th, 1782, at Kinderhook, Colum- 
bia county, N. V. His parents w T ere Abraham and Maria (Hoes) Van Buren. 
He was a lawyer. Married, 1S07, Hannah Hoes. Four sons. Died at Lin- 
denwold, N. V., July 24th, 1862. 

William Henry Harrison was born February 9th, 1773, at Berkeley, 
Charles City county, Va. His parents were Benjamin and Elizabeth (Bassett) 
Harrison. He was a soldier and farmer. Graduated Hampden-Sydney, 
1790. Married, 1795, Anna Symmes. Six sous and four daughters. Died 
at Washington, D. C, April 4th, 1841. 

John Tyler was born March 29th, 1 790, at Greenway , Charles City county, 
Va. His parents were John and Mary ( Armistead) Tyler. He was a lawyer. 
Graduated William and Mary College, 1807. Married, 1813, Letitia Chris- 
tian and 1844 Julia Gardiner. Three sons and four daughters by first wife, 



163 

five sons and two daughters by second wife. Died at Richmond, Va., Janu- 
ary 17th, 1862. 

James Knox I'olk was horn November 2d, 1795, near Pineville, Meck- 
lenburg, county, N. C. His parents were Samuel and Jane (Knox) Polk. 
He was a lawyer. Graduated University of North Carolina, 18)8. Married, 
1824, Sarah Childress. No children. Died at Nashville, Tcnn., June 15th, 
1849. 

Zachary Taylor was born November 24th, 1784, near Orange Court 
House, Va. His parents were Richard and Sarah (Strother) Taylor. He 
was a soldier. Married, 1810, Margaret Smith. One sou and three daugh- 
ters. Died at Washington, D. C, July 9th, 1850. 

Millard Fillmore was born January 7th, 1S00, at Summerhill, Cayuga 
county, N. Y. His parents were Nathaniel and Phcbc (Millard) Fillmore. 
He was a tailor in early life and afterward a lawyer. Married, 1826, Abigail 
Powers and 1858 Mrs. Caroline (Carmichael) Mcintosh. One son and one 
daughter by first wife. Died at Buffalo, N. Y., March 9th, 1874. 

Franklin Pierce was born November 23d, 1804, at Hillsborough, Hills- 
borough county, N. H. His parents were Benjamin and Anna (Kendrick) 
Pierce. He was a lawyer. Graduated Bowdoin, 1824. Married, 1834, Jane 
Means Appletoti. Three sous. Died at Concord, N. H., October Sth, 1S69. 

James Buchanan was born April 23d, 1791, at Core Gap, Franklin county, 
Pa. His parents were James and Elizabeth (Speer) Buchanan. He was a 
lawyer. Graduated Dickinson College, 1809. Unmarried. Died at Wheat- 
land, Pa., June 1st, 1868. 

Abraham Lincoln was born P'ebruary 12th, 1809, near Hodgenville, 
Larue county, Ky. His parents were Thomas and Nancy (Hanks) Lincoln. 
He was a farm laborer in early life and afterward a lawyer. Married, 1S42, 
Mary Todd. Four sous. Assassinated at Washington, D. C, April 15th, 1865. 

Andrew Johnson was born December 29th, 1808, at Raleigh, Wake 
county, N. C. His parents were Jacob and Mary (McDonough) Johnson. 
He was a tailor in early life. Married, 1827, Eliza McCardle. Three sous 
and two daughters. Died at Carter's Depot, Tenn., July 31st, 1875. 

Ulysses S. Grant was born April 27th, 1822, at Point Pleasant, Clermont 
county, Ohio. His parents were Jesse Root and Harriet (Simpson) Grant. 
He was a soldier. Graduated West Point, 1843. Married, 184S, Julia Dent. 
Three sons and one daughter. Died at Mt. McGregor, N. Y. , July 23d, 
1885. 

Rutherford B. Hayes was born October 4th, 1822, at Delaware, Delaware 
county, Ohio. His parents were Rutherford and Sophia (Birchard) Hayes. 
He was a lawyer. Graduated Keuyon College, 1842. Married, 1852, Lucy 
Ware Webb. Seven sons and one daughter. Died at Fremont, Ohio, Jan- 
uary 17th, 1893. 

James A. Garfield was born November 19th, 1831, at Orange township, 
Cuyahoga county, Ohio. His parents were Abram and Eliza (Ballon) Gar- 
field He was a teacher in early life and afterward a lawyer. Graduated 
Williams College, 1856. Married, 1858, Lucretia' Rudolph. Four sons and 
one daughter. Died at Long Branch, N. J., September 19th, 1881. 

Chester A. Arthur was born October 5th, 1830, at Fairfield, Franklin 
county, Vt. His parents were William and Malviua (Stone) Arthur. He 
was a teacher in early life and afterward a lawyer. Graduated Union Col- 



164 

lege, 1848. Married, 1S59, Ellen Lewis Herndon. One son and one daugh- 
ter. Died at New York city, November 18th, 1886. 

Grover Cleveland (see sketch of life and portrait in this book. Presi- 
dent 1885-89 and chosen again in 1892. Now serving). 

Benjamin Harrison was born August 20th, 1833, at North Bend, Ohio. 
His father was John Scott Harrison, who was a member of Congress. His 
grandfather was General William Henry Harrison (Tippecanoe) and Presi- 
dent of the United States. Benjamin Harrison was a General in the Army 
of the Rebellion, United States Senator from Indiana, and was chosen Presi- 
dent over Grover Cleveland in 1888, and served from March 4th, 1889, to 
March 4th, 1893. His wife, Caroline L. Scott, died in the White House. 
After his term expired Mr. Harrison returned to Indianapolis and resumed 
the practice of the law. April 8th, 1S96, he was again married to Mrs. 
Dimmick, of New York city. 



VICE=PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES. 



Name. 



1 John Adams 

2 Thomas Jefferson 

3 Aaron Burr 

4 George Clinton.... 

5 Elbridge Gerry ... 

6 DanielD. Tompkins 

7 John C Calhoun.... 

8 Martin Van Buren 

9 Richard M. Johnson 
lOljohn Tvler 

11 George M. Dallas.. 

12 Millard Fillmore... 
13. William R. King... 

14 John C.Beckinridj 

15 Hannibal Hamlin 

16 Andrew Johnson . 

17 Schuyler Colfax 

18 Henry Wilson...., 

19 William A. Wheeler 

20 Chester A. Arthur.. 

21 Thos. A. Hendricki 

22 Levi P. Morton. ... 

23 Adlai E. Stevenson 



Birthplace. 



Quincv, Mass 

Shadwell, Va 

Newark. N. J 

Ulster Co., N. Y 

Marbelhead, Mass. 

Scarsdale, N. Y 

Abbeville, S. C 

Kinderhook, N. Y.. 

Louisville, Ky 

Greenway, Va 

Philadelphia, Pa .. 
Summer Hill, N. Y 
Sampson Co., N. C. 

Lexington, Ky 

Paris, Me 

Raleigh, N. C 

New York City 

Farmington, N. H.. 

Malone, N. Y 

Fairfield, Vt 

Muskingum Co., O. 

Shoreham, Vt 

Christian Co., Ky. .. 



Paternal 

Ancestry. 



1735 
1743 
1756 
1739 
1744 
1774; 
1782 
1782 
1780 
1790 1 
1792 
1800 
1786 
1821 
1809 
1808 
1823 
1812 
1819 
1830 
1819 
1S24 
1835 



English 

Welsh 

English 

English 

English 

English 

Scotch-Irish 

Dutch 

English 

English 

English 

English 

English 

Scotch 

English 

English 

English 

English 

English 

Scotch-Irish 
Scotch-Irish 
Scotch ... 
Scotch-Irish 



Mass. 
Va.... 
N. Y.. 
NY.. 
Mass. 
N. Y.. 
S. C. 
N. Y.. 
Ky.. 
Va... 

Pa 

N. Y.. 
Ala .. 
Ky.... 
Me.. 
Tenn 
Did .. 
Mass. 
N. Y.. 
N. Y. 
Did.. 
N. Y.. 
111.... 



17-'.) I'd.. 

1797 Rep.. 
isol Pep.. 



1S05 
1813 

1817 
1825 
1831 



Rep. 

Rep 

Rep.. 

Rep.. 

Dem. 



11837 Dem. 
ISll! Dem. 
1845 Dem. 
1849 Whij 



IN; ,3 
1857 
1861 
1805 
1869 
1873 
1877 



Dem. 
Dem. 
Rep.. 
Rep- 
Rep. 
Rep.. 
Rep.. 



1881 'Rep 
1885 Dem. 
1889 Rep.. 
1893! Dem. 



Place of Death. 



Quincv, Mass 

Monticello, Va 

Staten Island, N. Y. 
Washington, D. C... 
Washington, D. C... 
Staten Island, N. Y. 
Washington, D. C... 
Kinderhook, N. Y.. 

Frankfort. Ky 

Richmond. V'a 

Philadelphia, Pa ... 

Buffalo. N. Y 

Dallas Co., Ala 

Lexington, Ky 

Bangor, Me 

Carter Co., Tenn 

Mankato, Minn 

Washington, D. C... 

Malone, N. Y 

New York City 

Indianapolis, Ind... 



1826 
1826 

1836 
1812 
1814 
1825 
1850 
D62 
1850 
1802 
1864 
1874 
1853 
1875 
1891 
1875 
1885 
1875 
1887 
1886 
1885 



PRESIDENTS PRO TEMPORE OF THE UNITED STATES 

SENATE. 

John Langdon, N. H., 1789-92 ; Richard H. Lee, Va., 1792 ; John Lang- 
don, N. H., 1792-94; Ralph Izard, S. C, 1794-95 J Henry Tazewell, Va., 
1795-96 ; Samuel Livermore, N. H., 1796-97 ; William Bingham, Pa., 1797 ; 
William Bradford, R. I., 1797 ; Jacob Read, S. C, I797-9 8 ', Theodore Sedg- 
wick, Mass., 1798; John Laurence, N. Y., 1798-99; James Ross, Pa., 1799; 
Samuel Livermore, N. H., 1799-1800; Uriah Tracy, Conn., 1800; John E. 
Howard, Md., 1800-01; James Hillhouse, Conn., 1801; Abraham Baldwin, Ga., 
1801-02; Stephen R. Bradley, Vt., 1802-03; John Brown, Ky., 1S03-04 ; 
Jesse Franklin, N. C, 1804-05; Joseph Anderson, Tenn., 1805; Samuel 



165 

Smith, Mel., 1S05-08 ; Stephen R. Bradley, Vt., 1808-09 ; John Milledge, I ku, 
1809; Andrew Gregg, Pa., 1809-10; John Gaillard, S. C, 1810 11 ; fohn 
Pope, Ky., 1811-12; William II. Crawford, Ga. ( 1812-13; Joseph B. Var< 
num, Mass., 1813-14; John Gaillard, S. C, 1S14-18; James Barbour, Va., 
1818-19; J ollu Gaillard, S. C, 1820-26; Nathaniel Macon, N. C, 1826-28; 
Samuel Smith, Md., 1828-32; L. \V. Tazewell, Va., 1832; Hugh L. White, 
Tenu., 1832-34; George Poindexter, Miss., 1834-35; John Tyler, \ ., 
1835-3 6 ; William R. King, Ala., 1836-41 ; Samuel L. Southard, N. J , 
1841-42; W. P. Mangum, N. C, 1842-46; D. R. Atchison, Mo., 1846-49; 
William R. King, Ala., 1850-52 ; D. R. Atchison, Mo., 1S52-54; Jesse D. 
Bright, Ind., 1854-57; James M. Mason, Va., 1857; Benjamin Fitzpatrick, 
Ala., 1857-61 ; Solomon Foot, Vt., 1861-64; Daniel Clark, N. II., 1864-65 ; 
Lafayette S. Foster, Conn., 1865-67 ; Benjamin F. Wade, O., 1867-69; Henry 
B. Anthony, R. I., 1869-73; M. H. Carpenter, Wis., 1873-75; Thomas W. 
Ferry, Mich., 1875-79; A. G. Thurman, O., 1S79-81 ; Thomas F. Bayard, 
Del., 1881 ; David Davis, 111., 1881-83; George F. Edmunds, Vt., 1883-85; 
John Sherman, O., 1885-87; John J. Ingalls, Kan., 18S7-91 ; C. I'. Mander- 
son, Neb., 1891-93; Isham G. Harris, Tenn., 1893-94; William P. Frye, 
Me., 1896. 

SPEAKERS OF THE UNITED STATES HOUSE OF 
REPRESENTATIVES. 

F. A. Muhlenburg, Pa., 1781-91 ; Jonathan Trumbull, Conn., 1791-93 ; F. 
A Muhlenburg, Pa., 1793-95; Jonathan Dayton, N. J., 1795-99; Theodore 
Sedgwick, Mass., 1799-1801 ; Nathaniel Macon, N. C, 1801-07; Joseph B. 
Varnum, Mass., 1S07-11 ; Henry Clay, Ky., 1811-14; Langdon Cheves, S. C, 
1814-15; Henry Clay, Ky., 1815-20; John W. Taylor, N. Y., 1S20-21 ; 
Philip B. Barbour, Va., 1821-23; Henry Clay, Ky., 1S23-25 ; John W. 
Taylor, N. Y., 1825-27; Andrew Stevenson, Va., 1827-34; John Bell, Tenu., 
1834-35; James K. Polk, Tenn., 1S35-39; R. M. T. Hunter, Va., 1839-41; 
John White, Ky., 1841-43; John W. Jones, Va., 1843-45; John W. Davis, 
Ind., 1845-47; Robert C. Winthrop, Mass., 1S47-49; Howell Cobb, Ga., 
1S49-51 ; Linn Boyd, K}\, 1851-55; Nathaniel P. Banks, Mass., [856-57; 
James L. Orr, S. C, 1857-59; William Pennington, N. J., 1860-61 ; Galusha 
A. Grow, Pa., 1861-63; Schuyler Colfax, Ind., 1863-69 ; James G. Blaine, 
Me.; 1869-75; Michael C. Kerr, Ind., 1875-76; Samuel J. Randall, Pa., 
1876-81; John W. Keifer, O., 1881-83; John G. Carlisle, Ky., 1883-89; 
Thomas B. Reed, Me., 1889-91; Chas. F. Crisp, Ga., 1891-95; Thomas B. 
Reed, 1895-97. 



PRESIDENTIAL CABINET OFFICERS. 
With States to which Accredited and Years of Appointment. 

Secretaries of State. — Thomas Jefferson, Va., 1789; Edmund Ran- 
dolph, Va., 1794; Timothy Pickering, Mass., 1795 and 1797; John Marshall, 
Va., 1800 ; James Madison, Va., 1801 ; Robert Smith, Md., 1N09; James 
Monroe, Va., 1811; John Quincy Adams, Mass., 1817; Henry Clay, Ky., 
1825; Martin Van Buren, N. Y., 1829; Edward Livingston, La., 1831 ; Louis 
McLane, Del., 1833; John Forsyth, Ga., 1834 and 1S37 ; Daniel Webster, 



166 

Mass., 1841 ; Hugh S. Legare, S. C, 1843; Abel P. Upshur, Va., 1843; J onn 
C. Calhoun, S. C, 1844; James Buchanan, Pa., 1845 ; John M. Clayton, Del., 
1849; Daniel Webster, Mass., 1850; Edward Everett, Mass., 1852; William 
L. Marcy, N. Y., 1853; Lewis Cass, Mich., 1857; Jeremiah S. Black, Pa., 
i860; William H. Seward, N. Y., 1S61 and 1865; Elihu B. Washburn, 111., 
1869 ; Hamilton Fish, N. Y., 1869 ; William M. Evarts, N. Y., 1877 ; James G. 
Blaine, Me., 1S81 and 1889; F. T. Frelinghuysen, N. J., 18S1 ; Thomas F. 
Bayard, Del., 1885; John W. Foster, Ind., 1892; Walter Q. Gresham, 111., 
1893. 

Secretaries of the Treasury. — Alexander Hamilton, N. Y., 1789; 
Oliver Wolcott, Conn., 1795 and 1797; Samuel Dexter, Mass., 1801 ; Albert 
Gallatin, Pa., 1801 and 1809; Geo. W. Campbell, Tenu., 1814; Alexander J. 
Dallas, Pa., 1814; William H. Crawford, Ga., 1816 and 1817; Richard Rush, 
Pa., 1825; Samuel D. Ingham, Pa., 1829; Louis McLaue, Del., 1831 ; 
William J. Duane, Pa., 1833; Roger B. Taney, Md., 1833; Levi Woodbury, 
N. H., 1834 and 1837 ; Thomas Ewing, 0., 1841 ; Walter Forward, Pa., 1S41 ; 
John C. Spencer, N. Y., 1843 ', George M. Bibb, Ky., 1844 ; Robert J. Walker, 
Miss., 1845; William M. Meredith, Pa., 1849; Thomas Corwin, 0., 1850; 
James Guthrie, Ky., 1853 ; Howell Cobb, Ga., 1857 ; Philip F. Thomas., Md., 
i860; John A. Dix, N. Y., 1861 ; Salmon P. Chase, O., 1861 ; William P. 
Fessenden, Me., 1864; Hugh McCulloch, Ind., 1865; George S. Boutwell, 
Mass., 1869; William A. Richardson, Mass., 1873; Benjamin H. Bristow, 
Ky., 1874; Lot M. Morrill, Me., 1876 : John Sherman, O., 1877; William 
Windom, Minn., 1881 and 1889; Charles J. Folger, N. Y., 188] ; Walter Q. 
Gresham, Ind., 1884; Hugh McCulloch, Ind., 1884; Daniel Manning, N. Y., 
1885; Charles S. Fairchild, N. Y., 1887; Charles Foster, O., 1891 ; John G. 
Carlisle, Ky., 1893. 

Secretaries of War. — Henry Knox, Mass., 1789; Timothy Picker- 
ing, Mass., 1795 ; James McHenry, Md., 1796 and 1797 ; John Marshall, Va., 
1800 ; Samuel Dexter, Mass. , 1800 ; Roger Griswold, Conn. , 1801 ; Henry Dear- 
born, Mass., iSot ; William Eustis, Mass., 1809; John Armstrong, N. Y., 
1813 ; James Monroe, Va., 1S14; William H. Crawford, Ga., 1815 ; Isaac 
Shelby, Ky., 181 7 ; George Graham, (ad in.), 1817 ; John C. Calhoun, S. C, 
1817; James Barbour, Va., 1825; Peter B. Porter, N. Y., 1828; John H. 
Eaton, Tenn., 1829; Lewis Cass, O., 1831 ; Benjamin F. Butler, N. Y., 1837; 
Joel R. Poinsett, S. C, 1837; John Bell, Tenn., 1841; John McLean, O., 
1841 ; John C. Spencer, N. Y., 1S41 ; James M. Porter, Pa., 1843; William 
Wilkins, Pa., 1844; William L. Marcy, N. Y.. 1845; George W. Crawford, 
Ga., 1849; Edward Bates, Mo., 1850; Charles M. Conrad, La., 1S50; Jeffer- 
son, Davis, Miss., 1853; John B. Floyd, Va., 1857; Joseph Holt, Ky., 1861 ; 
Simon Cameron, Pa., 1861 ; Edwin M. Stanton, O., 1S62 and 1865; U. S. 
Grant (ad in.), 111., 1867; Lorenzo Thomas {ad in.), 1S68 ; John M. Scho- 
field, N. Y., 186S; John A. Rawlins, 111., 1869; William T. Sherman, O., 
1869 ; William W. Bellknap, Jr., 1869 ; Alphonso Taft, O., 1876 ; James Don 
Cameron, Pa., 1876; George W. McCrary, la., 1877; Alexander Ramsey, 
Minn., 1879; Robert T. Lincoln, 111., 1881 ; William C. Endicott, Mass., 
1885 ; Redfield Proctor, Vt., 1889; Stephen B. Elkius, W. Va., 1891 ; Daniel 
S. Lamont, N. Y., 1893. 

Secretaries of the Interior. — Thomas Ewing, O., 1849; James A. 
Pearce, Md., 1850; Thomas M. T. M'Kernou, Pa., 1S50 ; Alexander H. H. 



167 

Stuart, Va., 1850; Robert McClelland, Mich., 1853 ; Jacob Thompson, Miss., 
1857; Caleb B. Smith, Ind., 1861 ; John P. Usher, IncL, 1863 and 1865 ; Janus 
Harlan, la., 1865 ; Orville H. Browning, 111., 1S66; Jacob I). Cox, ()., 1869; 
Columbus Delano, O., 1870; Zachariah Chandler, Mich., 1875; Carl Schurz, 
Mo., 1877; Samuel J. Kirkwood, la., 1881 ; Henry M. Teller, Col., 1882; 
Lucius O. C. Lamar, Miss., 1S85 ; William F. Vilas, Wis., 1888; John W. 
Noble, Mo , 1889; Hoke Smith, Ga., 1893. 

Secretaries of the Navy.— George Cabot, Mass., 179S; Benjamin 
Stoddert, Md., 1798 and 1801; Robert Smith, Md., 1801 ; Jacob Crownin- 
shield, Mass., 1S05 ; Paul Hamilton, S. C, 1809 ; William Jones, la., 1813 ; 
B. W. Crowninshield, Mass., 1814 and 1817; Smith Thompson, X. Y., 1818; 
Samuel L. Southard, N. J., 1823 and 1825 ; John Branch, N. C, 1S29 ; Levi 
Woodbury, N. H., 1S31 ; Mahlon Dickerson, N. J., 1834 and 1837 ; James K. 
Paulding, N. Y., 183S; George E. Badger, N. C, 1841 ; Abel P. Upshur, Va., 
1841 ; David Henshaw, Mass., 1843 ; Thomas W. Gilmer, Va., 1844 ; John 
Y. Mason, Va., 1844 and 1846; George Bancroft, Mass., 1S45 ; William B. 
Preston, Va., 1849 > William A. Graham, N. C, 1850 ; John P. Kennedy, Md., 
1852; James C. Dobbin, N. C, 1853; Isaac Toucey, Conn., 1S57 ; Gideon 
Welles, Conn., 1861 and 1865 ; Adolph E. Borie, Pa., 1869 ; George M. Robe- 
son, N. J., 1869; Richard W. Thompson, Ind., 1877; Nathan Goff, Jr., 
W. Va., 1881; William H. Hunt, Da., 1881 ; William E. Chandler, N. II., 
1882; William C. Whitney, N. Y., 1885 ; Benjamin P. Tracy, N. Y., 1889; 
Hilary A. Herbert, Ala., 1893. 

Secretaries of Agriculture — Norman J. Column, Mo., 18S9 ; Jere- 
miah M. Rusk, Wis., 1S89: J. Sterling Morton, Neb., 1893. 

Postmasters-General.* — Samuel Osgood, Mass., 1789; Timothy Pick- 
ering, Mass., 1791 ; Joseph Habersham, Ga., 1795, 1797, and 1801 ; Gideon 
Granger, Conn., 1801 and 1809 ; Return J. Meigs, Jr., O., 1814 and 1817 ; John 
McLean, O , 1823 and 1825 ; William T. Barry, Ky., 1829 ; Amos Kendall, 
Ky., 1835 and 1837; John M. Niles, Conn., 1840; Francis Granger, N. Y., 1841; 
Charles A. Wickliffe, Ky., 1841 ; Cave Johnson, Tenn., 1845 ; Jacob Colla- 
mer, Vt, 1849; Nathan K. Hall, N. Y., 1850; Samuel D. Hubbard, Conn., 1852; 
James Campbell, Pa., 1853 : Aaron V. Brown, Tenn , 1857 ; Joseph Holt, Ky., 
1859; Horatio King, Me., 186 1 ; Montgomery Blair, Md., 1861 ; William 
Dennisou, O , 1864 and 1865 ; Alexander W. Randall, Wis , 1866 ; John A. J. 
Cresswell, Md., 1869; James W. Marshall, Va., 1S74; Marshall Jewell, Conn , 
1874 ; James N. Tyner, Ind , 1876 ; David McK. Key, Tenn., 1877 ; Horace 
Maynard, Tenn , 1880; Thomas L James, N. Y., 1881 ; Timothy 0. Howe, 
Wis., 1881 ; Walter O. Gresham, Ind., 1883 ; Frank Hatton, la , 18S4 ; Wil- 
liam F. Vilas, Wis., 1885; Don M. Dickinson, Mich., 1S88 ; John Wana- 
maker, Pa., 1889; Wilson S. Bissell, N. Y., 1893. 

Attorneys-General.— Edmund Randolph, Va., 1789; William Brad- 
ford, Pa., 1794 ; Charles Lee, Va., 1795 and 1797 ; Theophilus Parsons. Mass.. 
1801 ; Levi Lincoln, Mass., 1801 ; Robert Smith, Md., 1S05 ; John Breckin- 
ridge, Ky., 1805 ; Caesar A. Rodney, Del., 1807 and 1809 ; William Pinkncy, 
Md., 1811 ; Richard Rush, Pa., 1814 and 1817 ; William Wirt, Va., 1817 and 
1825; John M'P. Berrien, Ga., 1829; Roger B. Taney, Md., 1831 ; Benjamin 
F. Butler, N. Y., 1833 and 1837 ; Felix Grundy, Tenn., 183S ; Henry D. Gil- 
pin, Pa., 1840; John J. Crittenden, Ky., 1841 ; Hug h S. Legar£, S. C, 1841; 

* Postmasters-General \^reliofcoiisidered Cabinet officers uutil 1829. 



168 

John Nelson, Md., 1843 ; John Y. Mason, Va., 1845 ; Nathan Clifford, Me., 
1846; Isaac Toucey, Conn., 1848 ; Reverdy Johnson, Md., 1849; John J. Crit- 
tenden, Ky., 1850; Caleb Cushing, Mass., 1853; Jeremiah S. Black, Pa., 
1857 ; Edwin M. Stanton, O., i860; Edward Bates, Mo., 1861 ; Titian J. Cof- 
fee [ad in.), Pa., 1863 ; James Speed, Ky., 1864 and 1865 ; Henry Stanbery, 
O., 1866; William M. Evarts, N. Y., 1868; Ebenezer R. Hoar, Mass., 1869; 
Amos T. Ackerman, Ga., 1870 ; George H. Williams, Ore., 1871 ; Edwards 
Pierrepont, N. Y., 1875 ; Alphonso Taft, O., 1876; Charles Devens, Mass., 
1877; Wayne McVeagh, Pa., 1881 ; Benjamin H. Brewster, Pa., 1881 ; Au- 
gustus H. Garland, Ark., 1885 ; William H. H. Miller, Ind , 1889; Richard 
Olney, Mass , 1893. 



JUSTICES OF THE UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT. 



Name. 



*Jolm Jav. N. Y 

John Rutledge, S. C. . . . 
William < lushing, Mass. 

James Wilson, Pa. 

John Blair, Va 

Robert H. Harrison, Md. 
James Iredell, N. 0. . . . 
Thomas Johnson, Md.. 
William Paterson, N. J. 
*Jolm Rutledge, a. C... 

Samuel Chase, Md 

♦Oliver Ellsworth, Conn. 
Bush. Washington, Va. 

Alfred Moore, N. C 

•John Marshall, Va.... 
William Johnson, S. C. 
Proe. Livingston, N. Y. 

Thomas- Todd, Ky 

Joseph Storv, Mass 

Gabriel Duval, Md 

Smith Thompson, N. Y. 

Robert. Trimble, Ky 

John McLean, < )hio. . . . 
Henry Baldwin, Pa — 
James M. Wayne, Ga.. . 
♦Roger B. Taney, Md.. 
Philip P. Barbour, Va.. 

John Catron. Tenn 

John MeKinley, Ala 



Term. Bom. Died. 



1789-1795 
L789-1791 
1789-1810 
1789-1798 
1789-1796 
L789-1790 
1790-1799 
1791-1793 
1793-1806 
1795-1795 
1796-1811 
1796-1800 
1798-1829 
1799-1804 
1801-1835 
L804-1834 
L806-1823 
1807-1826 
1811-1845 
1811-183C 
1823-1843 
1820-1828 
1829-1861 
1830-1844 
1835-1867 
1836-1864 
1836-1841 
1837-1865 
1837-1852 



1745 
1739 
1733 
1742 
1732 
1745 
1751 
1732 
1745 
1739 
1741 
1745 
1702 
1755 
P55 
1771 
1757 
1765 
1779 
1752 
1767 
1777 
1785 
1779 
1790 
1777 
1783 
1780 
178J 



1829 
1800 
1810 
1798 
1800 
1790 
1799 
1819 
1806 
1S00 
1811 
1807 
1829 
1810 
is:::, 
1834 
1823 

1826 
1845 
1844 
1843 
1828 
1801 
1844 
1867 
1804 
1841 
1865 
1852 



Name. 



Term. Born. Died. 



Peter V. Daniel . Va.. 
Samuel Nelson, N. Y. 
Levi Woodbury, N. H 
Robert C Grier, Pa. . . 
Benj. R. Curtis, Mass. 
John a. Campbell, Ala. 
Nathan Clifford, Maine. 
Noah H. Swayne, Ohio. 
Samuel F. Miller, Iowa. 

David Davis, 111 

Stephen J. Field, Cal, .. 
♦Salmon P. Chase. Ohio. 

William Strong Pa 

Joseph P. Bradley, N. J. 

Ward Hunt, N. Y 

♦Morrison R. Waite, 0. 
John M. Harlan, Ky... 
William B. Woods, Ga . 
Stanley Matthews, O. .. 

Horace Gray, Mass 

Samuel Blatchford.N. Y. 
Luc Q. C. Lamar, Miss. 
♦Melville W. Fuller, 111. 
David J. Brewer. Kan.. 
Henry B. Brown, Mich. 
George Shiras, Jr., Pa. . 
How. E. Jackson, Tenn 
Edw. D. White, La 



1841-1860 
1845-1872 
1845-1851 
1846-1870 
1851-1857 
1853-1861 
1858-1881 
1861-1881 
1862-1890 
1862-1877 
1803-.... 
1864-1873 
1S70-1880 
1870-1892 
1872-1882 
1874-1888 
1877-.... 
1880-1887 
1881-1889 
1881- ... 
1882-1893 
1SSS-1893 
1888-.... 
1889- — 
1890-.... 
1892-.... 
1893-.... 
1894-. . . . 



1785 
1792 
1789 
1794 
1809 
1811 
1803 
1804 
1816 
1815 
1810 
1808 
I si IS 
1813 
1811 
1816 
1833 
1824 
1824 
1828 
1820 
1825 
1833 
1837 
1830 
1832 
1832 
1845 



1800 
1873 
1851 
1870 
1874 
1889 
1881 
1884 
1890 
1885 



1873 



1892 
l.ssi, 

1888 

'l887' 
1889 



1893 
1893 



* Chief Justices. 



169 



SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, IN 
CONGRESS ASSEMBLED, JULY 4th, 1776. 

The following list of members of the Continental Congress, who signed 
the Declaration of Independence, is h&rc given, for the purpose of showing 
the places and dates of their birth, and the times of their respective deaths, 
for convenient reference : • 



Names of Signers. 


Born at 


Delegated from 


Died. 




Braintree, Mass., 19 Oct., L735 

Boston, Mass.. 27 Sept., L722. 
Amesbury, Mass., in Nov , 1729... 
Newington, Va., lOSept., 1736.... 
Annapolis, Md., 20 Sept., 17:;;.. 
Somersel Co., Md., 17 April, 1711. 
Elizabethtown.N.J.,15 Feb.,1726. 

Newport, K. I.. 22 Dec, 1727 

Suffolk Co., N. Y., 17 Dec, 17:; 1.. 
Boston, Mass., 17 Jan., 1706 


Massachusetts 

Massachusetts 

New I lamp-hire.... 
Virginia 


l.Iulv. L8'6. 

2 Oct., 1803. 
19 May, L795. 
in Oct., L797. 
1 1 Nov 1832 


Adams, Samuel 

Barfclett, Josiah 


Cam ill. Chas. of Carrollton. 












— Sept., 1794. 
23 Jan., 1813. 
L5 Feb., 1820. 


Ellerv, William 


Pennsylvania 

R. I. and Prov. PL. 

Pennsylvania 

Massachusetts 


Floyd, William . 


Franklin Benjamin 


17 April, 1790. 
23 Nov. 181 1. 
27 May, 1777. 
Feb lT'.io 


Gerry, Elbridge 


Marblehead, Mass., 1 July, 17-11.. 
England, in 17:;2 






1 uia... . 




Braintree, Mass., in 17:'.7. 
Berkley Va 


8 0cl L793 






— April. 1791. 
1780. 


Hart. John 


Hopewell, N. J., in 171." 

St. Lukes, S. C, in 1740 

Kingston, N. J., in 1730 

Boston, Mass., 17 June, 1742 

Scituate, Mass., 7 March, 1707.... 
Windham, Conn., 3 July, L732.... 

Philadelphia, Pa., in 1707 

Phadwell, Va., 13 April, 1734 
Stratford, Va. 20 Jan., 1732 




Hewes, Joseph 

Hooper, William 


South Carolina , 
North Carolina 
North Carolina 
K. I. and Prov. PI. 


— March. 1809. 
1 /t., 177"). 

— Oct., 1790 
13 July 1,785 




."> Jan., 1796, 






9 May, 1790. 
4 July, 1826. 
L9June L794. 


Jefferson, Thomas 






Stratford, Va., 14 Oct., l',..l 




— April, l7-.»7. 
30 Dec 1803. 




Landail', Wales, in March, 171:;.,. 

Albany, N. Y., 15 Jan., 1716 

St. George's, S ('., 5 Aug., 171'.).. 
Chester Co., Pa., 19 March, 1734.. 
Middleton Place. S. C, in 1743.... 






i" June, 177s. 


Lynch, Thomas, Jr 


Smith Carolina 

Delaware 

South ( 'arolina 
New York 


Losl at sea. 1779. 
24 June, i s] 7. 




1 Jan., 17-7. 




22 Jan., 1798. 


Morris, Robert 


Lancashire, Eng., Jan., 1733-4.... 
Ridley, Pa., in 1724 


Pennsylvania 

Pennsylvania 


s May, l-m'.. 

— April, 1777. 

l Jan., 1789. 




York, Va., 26 Dec, 1738 


Paca, William 


Wye-Hill, Md., :'.l Oct., 1740 




, L799. 




Massachusetts 

Ni >rtli Carolina 

I telaware 

Delaware 


11 May, 1804. 




Caroline Co., Va., 17 May, 1711... 
Cecil Co., Md., in 1734 


26 Oct., 1809. 


Read, Georjre 


, L798. 


Dover, Del., in 1730 

New Castle, Del., in 1730 


, 1783. 




— July, 177'.'. 


Rush, Benjamin, M. D 

Rutledge, Edward 


Byberry, Pa.. 24 Dec, 1715 
Charleston, S. ('.. in Nov., 1749 . 

Newton, Mass., 19 April, 1721 


Pennsylvania.. . 
South Carolina ... 


19 April, 1813. 
2:; Jan., 1800. 
23 July, 1793. 


Smith, James 


Pennsylvania 

New Jersey 


i l.Iulv, 1806. 
28 Feb., 17-. 
5 Oct., 17-7. 


Princeton, N..T., 1 Oct.. 1730 , 
Charles Co., Md.. in 1742 




, Ireland, in 1 7 1 1 "» 


Pennsylvania 

New Hampshire.... 

Georgia 

New Hampshire.... 


23 Feb., 1781. 




24 June, 1803. 






2 Feb., J804. 






28 Nov., 17-:,. 




Lebanon, Cam., 8 April, 1731 

Scotland, about 1742 

Yester, Scotland, 5 Feb., 1722 
Windsor, Conn.. 26 Nov., 1726 
Elizabeth City Co. ,Va , in 1726.... 


2 Aug., 1811. 


Witherspoon, John 


Pennsylvania 

New Jersey. 


28 Aug., 1798. 
1 .. Nov., 1794. 
l Dec, 1797. 




Virginia 


1806. 



170 

PRESIDENTS OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS AND OF THE 
CONGRESS OF THE CONFEDERATION, 1774-1788. 

Peyton Randolph, Va., September 5th, 1774; Henry Middleton, S. C, 
October 22d, 1774; Peyton Randolph, Va., May 10th, 1775 ; John Hancock, 
Mass., May 24th, 1775; Henry Laurens, S. C, November 1st, 1777; John 
Jav, N. Y., December 10th, 1778; Samuel Huntington, Conn., September 
28th, 1779; Thomas McKean, Del., July 10th, 1781 ; John Hanson, Md., 
November 5th, 1781 ; Elias Boudinot, N. J., November 4th, 1782 ; Thomas 
Mifflin, Pa., November 3d, 1783 ; Richard H. Lee, Va., November 30th, 1784 ; 
Nathaniel Gorham, Mass., June 6th, 1786; Arthur St. Clair, Pa., February 
2d, 1787 ; Cyrus Griffin, Va., January 22d, 1788. 



NATURALIZATION LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES. 

The conditions under and the manner in which an alien may be admitted 
to become a citizen of the United States are prescribed by Sections 2, 165-74 
of the Revised Statutes of the United States. 

DECLARATION OF INTENTIONS. 
The alien must declare upon oath before a Circuit or District Court of the 
United States, or a District or Supreme Court of the Territories, or a Court of 
Record of any of the States having common law jurisdiction and a seal and 
clerk, two years at least prior to his admission; that it is, bona fide, his inten- 
tion to become a citizen of the United States, and to renounce forever aP- 
allegiance and fidelity to any foreign prince or State, and particularly to the 
one of which he may be at the time a citizen or subject. 

OATH ON APPLICATION FOR ADMISSION. 

He must at the time of his application to be admitted declare on oath, be- 
fore some oneof the courts above specified, " that he will support the Consti- 
tution of the United States, and that he absolutely and entirely renounces and 
abjures all allegiance and fidelity to ever)' foreign prince, potentate, State, 
or sovereignty, and particularly, by name, to the prince, potentate, State, or 
sovereignty of which he was before a citizen or subject," which proceedings 
must be recorded by the clerk of the court. 

CONDITIONS FOR CITIZENSHIP. 

If it shall appear to the satisfaction of the court to which the alien has 
applied, that he has made a declaration to become a citizen two years before 
applying for final papers, and has resided continuously within the United 
States for at least five years, and within the State or Territory where such 
court is at the time held one year at least ; and that during that time "he 
has behaved as a man of good moral character, attached to the principles of 
the Constitution of the United States, and well disposed to the good order 
and happiness of the same," he will be admitted to citizenship. 

TITLES OF NOBILITY. 
If the applicant has borne any hereditary title or order of nobility he 
must make an express renunciation of the same at the time of his appli- 
cation. 



171 
SOLDIERS. 

Any alien of theageof twenty-one years and upward who has been in 
the armies of the United States, and has been honorably discharged there- 
from, may become a citizen on his petition, without any previous dec) ira 
tion of intention, provided that he has resided in the United Slates at least 
one year previous to his application, and is of good moral character. (It is 
judicially decided that residence of one year in a particular Stale is not 
requisite). 

MINORS. 
Any alien under theage of twenty-one years who has resided in the United 
States three years next preceding his arrival at that age, and who has con- 
tinued to reside therein to the time he may make application to be admitted 
a citizen thereof, may, after he arrives at the age of twenty-one years, and 
after he has resided five years within the United States, including the three 
years of his minority, be admitted a citizen ; but he must make a declara- 
tion on oath, and prove to the satisfaction of the court, that for two years next 
preceding it has been his bona fide intention to become a citizen. 

CHILDREN OF NATURALIZED CITIZENS. 
The children of persons who have been duly naturalized, being under 
the age of twenty-one years at the time of the naturalization of their parents, 
shall, if dwelling in the United States, be considered as citizens thereof. 

citizens' children who are born abroad. 
The children of persons who now are or have been citizens of the United 
States are, though born out of the limits and jurisdiction of the United States, 
considered as citizens thereof. 

CHINESE. 
The naturalization of Chinamen is expressly prohibited by Section 14, 
Chapter 126, Laws of 1882. 

PROTECTION abroad to naturalized citizens. 
Section 2000 of the Revised Statutes of the United States declares that 
"all naturalized citizens of the United States while in foreign countries are 
entitled to and shall receive from this Government the same protection of 
person and propertv which is accorded to native-born citizens." 

THE RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE. 
The right to vote comes from the State, and is a State gift. Naturaliza- 
tion is a Federal right and is a gift of the Union, not of any one State. In 
nearly one-half of the Union (aliens who have declared intentions! vote and 
have the right to vote equally with naturalized or native-born citizens. In 
the other half only actual citizens may vote. (See Table of Qualifications 
for voting in each State, on another page.) The Federal naturalization laws 
apply to the whole Union alike, and provide that no alien may i>c naturalized 
until after five years' residence. Even after five years' residence and due 
naturalization he is not entitled to vote unless the laws of the .State confer 
the privilege upon him, and he may vote in several States six months after 
landing, if he has declared his intention, under United States law, to become 
a citizen. 



CONSTITUTION 

OF THE 

UNITED STATES OF AHERICA.* 



We. the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish 
justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general 
welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and 
establish this Constitution for the United States of America. [Seel Wheat, 3%h; U Wheat, kOS.] 

ARTICLE I. 
Of the Legislature. 
Section I. All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the 
United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives. 

Of the House of Representatives. 
Sect. II. 1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every 
second year by the people of the several States ; and the electors in each State shall have the 
qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature. 

Qualifications of Members. 
J. No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained the age of twenty five 
years, and have been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when 
elected, lie an inhabitant of that State in which he shall have been elected. 

Apportionment of Representatives and Direct Taxes— Census. 

3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States, which 
may be included -within this Union, according to the respective numbers, which shall be 
determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service 
for a number of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. The 
actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress 
of the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they 
shall by law direct. The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty 
thousand, but each State shall have at least one Representative ; and until such enumeration 
shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts 
eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six, New- 
Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six. Virginia ten, North Carolina 
five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three. [See 5 Wheat , 317.] 

Vacancies. 

4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the executive authority 
thereof shall issue writs of election to rill such vacancies. 

Of their Officers— Impeachment. 

5. The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other officers, and shall 
have the sole power of impeachment. 

Of the Senate. 

Sect. III. 1. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from 

each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six years, and each Senator shall have one 

vote. [See 6 Wheat, 390.] 

Their Classes. 

2. Immediately after they shall be assembled, in consequence of the first election, they 
shall he divided as equally as may be into three classes. The seats of the Senators of the first 
class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year ; of the second class, at the expira- 
tion of the fourth year ; and of the third class, at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one- 
third may be chosen every second year. And if vacancies happen by resignation, or other- 

* This Constitution went into operation on the first Wednesday in March, 1789. [5 Wlieat., 420.] 

172 



173 

wise, during the recess of the Legislature of any state, the executive thereof may make 
temporary appointments until the next meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fil] 
such vacancies. 

Qualifications oftkt Senators. 

3. No person shall be a Senator who shall no1 have attained theageol thirtj years, and 
been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an in- 
habitant of that State lor which he shall be chosen. 

Of the Vice-President. 

4. The Vice-President of the United states shall be President of the Senate, but shall have 
no vote unless they be equally divided. 

Oftht Officersofth Sum,. 

5. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a President protempore, in the 
absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the office of President of the United 

States. 

Of Inijit itch mi nt. 

6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When sitting for that 
purpose they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the President of the United States is 
tried, the Chief Justice shall preside. And no person shall he convicted without the con- 
currence of two-thirds of the members present. 

7. Judgment, in ease of impeachment, shall not extend further than to removal from 
office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust or profit, under the 
United States; but the party convicted shall, nevertheless, be liable and subject to indict- 
ment, trial, judgment and punishment according to law. 

Manm r uf Electing Merribi rs of Congress. 
Sect. IV. 1. The times, places and manner of holding elections for Senators and Repre- 
sentatives shall be prescribed by each State, by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress 
may, at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, except as to the place of choosing 
Senators. 

Of the Meetings of Congress. 

2. Congress shall assemble at least once in every year and such meetings shall be on the 
first Monday m December, unless they shall by law appoint a different day. 

Powers of Each House. 
Sect. V. 1. Each House shall be the ji\d(-,?of the elections, returns and qualifications of 
its own members; and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business: Inn a 
smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attend- 
ance of the absent members, in such manner and under such penalties as each Ileus,, may 

provide. 

Expulsion. 

2. Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for dis- 
orderly behavior, and with the concurrence of two-thirds, expel a member. [So. I Hal 

Law Journal, 1,59.} 

Journals and Yeas and Nays. 

3. Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to lime publish 
the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment require secrecy ; ami the yeas and 
nays of members of either House, on any question, shall, at the desire of one-tilth of these 
present, be entered on the journal. 

Of Adjournment. 

4. Neither House, during the session of Congress, shall, without the consent of the other, 
adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than to that in which the two 
Houses shall be sitting. 

Compensation, Privileges and IncapaciMt s of Members. 
Sect. VI. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, 
to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury of the United Stales. Tney shall, in all 
cases, except treason, felony and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their 
attendance at the session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the 
same ; and for any speech or debate in the House they shall not be questioned in any other 
place. 



174 

Exclusion from Office. 
2. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be ap- 
pointed to any civil office under the authority of ihe United States, which shall have been 
created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased, during such time; and no 
person holding any office under the United States shall be a member of either House during 
his continuance in office. 

Revenue Bills. 
Sect. VII 1. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives ; 
but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments, as on other bills. 

Manner of Passing Bills, Etc. 

2. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate shall, 
before it becomes a law, be presented to the President of the United States ; if he approve, he 
shall sign it but if not, he shall return it, with his objections, to the House in which it shall 
have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to re- 
consider it. If, after such reconsideration, two-thirds of that House shall agree to pass the 
bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other House, by which it shall like- 
wise be reconsidered, and if approved by two-thirds of that House, it shall become a law. 
But in all cases the votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the 
names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each 
House respectively. If any bill shall not be re'urned by the President within ten days (Sun- 
day.-- excepted) after it shall have been presented to him the same shall be a law, in like 
manner as if he had signed it, unless Congress, by their adjournment, prevent its return, in 
which case it shall not be a law. 

Orders, Resolutions and Voles. 

3. Every order, resolution or vote, to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of 
Representatives may be necessary (except on the question of adjournment) shall be presented 
to the President of the United States, and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved 
by him, or, being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and 
House of Representatives, according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of bills. 

General Powers of Congress. 
Sect. VIII. Congress shall have power : 

I. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for 
the common defense and general welfare of the United States , but all duties, imposts and 
excises shall be uniform throughout the United States. [See 5 Wheaton, 317.] 

2 To borrow money on the credit of the United States. 

3. To reguUte commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with 
the Indian tribes. [See 9 Wheaton, 1-2; Hall's Am. L Jom-.. ::,:,, ..v.'.- Johns., ' t ss.) 

4. To establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bank- 
ruptcies, throughout the United States. [See / Wheaton, 122, 193, 209; 2 Wheaton, 266; 20 
Johns., 93.] 

5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coins, and fix the standard 
of weights and measures. 

6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the 
United States. 

7. To establish post offices and post roads. 

8. To promote the progress of science and usaful arts by securing, for limited times, to 
ant In as and inventors, the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries. [See 
Wheaton' s App., n 2, p. 13; 7 Wheaton, 356.] 

9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court. 

10. To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offences 
against the law of nations. [5 Wheaton, 76, 15S, I8i ; 3 Wheaton, 336.] 

II. To declare war, grant le ters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning 
captures on lana and waters. [S Craneh, 110, 15U.] 

12. To raise and support armies ; but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a 
longer period than two years. 

13. To provide and maintain a navy. [See 1 Mason, 79, SI ; h Binn., US7.] 

14. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces. 

15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress 
insurrection and repel invasion. [Sic 5 Wheaton, 1 ; 19 Johns., 7.] 



175 

1G. To provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the militia, and for governing such 
partot them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the States, 
respectively, theappouvmentof officersand the authority of training the militia according 
o the discipline prescribed by Congress. [8 S. & R., 169; 5 Wheoton, i ; 19 Johns., 7 J 

17. To exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, oversuch districl (no1 ex- 
ceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular States and the acceptance oi i oi 
gress, become the seat of government of the United States; ami to exercise like authority 
over all places purchased by the authority of the Legislature of the State in which the same 
shall be, for tt.e erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards and other needful buildings ; 
and— [See 2 Mason, 60; 5 Wheaton, M7, S8U; 6 Wheaton !M; Jour, of Juris., 17, 156; 11 Johns 

m.] 

IS. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution tin- 
foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the 
United States, or in any department or officer thereof. [4 Wheaton, AH; 6 Wheaton, SOL] 

Limitations of the Powers of Congress. 
Sect. IX. 1. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now ex- 
isting shall think proper to admit shall not be prohibited by Congress, prior to the year one 
thousand eight hundred and eight ; but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, 
not exceedng ten dollars for each person, 

2. The privileges of the writ of habeas corpus shall not lie suspended unless, when in cast 
of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it. 

3. No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed. [See S Dallas, 3S6 :,0>; ■ /; Binn 
271.] 

4. No capitation or other direct tax shall lie laid, unless in proportion to the census or 
enumeration hereinbefore directed t< > 1 le taken. [Si e 5 Wheat., -H7 ; .1 Dall. , 171.] 

5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State. No preference shall 
be given, by any regulation of commerce or revenue, to the ports of one Sta'e overthoseof 
another; nor shall vessels bound to or from one State be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties 
in another. 

6. No money shall be drawn from the treasury but in consequence of appropriations made 
by law ; and a regular statement of any account of receipts and expenditures of all public 
money shall be pub'ished from time to time. 

7. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States; and no person holding any 
office of profit or trust under them shall, without the consent of Congress, accept of any 
present, emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever, irom any king, prince or foreign 
State. 

Limitations of the Poivers of the Individual States. 

Sect. X. l. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation ; grant let- 
ters of marque or reprisal ; coin money ; emit bills of credit; make anything but gold and 
silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law- 
impairing the obligation of contracts ; or grant any title of nobility. [See 8 Wheat., 8U, -'.'. i56, 
n. ISA; o Wheat., 180; h Wheat., 519, 1,209; 6 Wheat.,181; 16 Johns., 2SS; i: Mass.. U; I? 
Johns. Ch. ];., 297 ; 2 Cowen, 626.] 

2. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports 
or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection Laws; and 
the net produce of all duties and imposts laid by any State on imports and exports, shall be 
for the use of the Treasury of the United States; and all such lawsshall be subject to the 
revision and control of Congress. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any 
duty on tonnage, keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or 
compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually 
invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay. 

ARTICLE II. 

OF THE PRESIDENT. 

Of the Executive Powt r. 
Section I. 1. The Executive power shall he vested in a President oi the United States 
of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four years, and together with the 
Vice-President, chosen for the same term, be elected as follows ; 

Mannt r <</' Meeting. 
2. Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a 



176 

number of electors equal to the whole number of Senators and Representatives to which tho 
State may be entitled in Congress ; but no Senator or Representative, or person holding an 
office of trust or profit under the United States, shall be appointed an elector. 

Altered — See Amendments, Article XII. 
3. The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot, for two persons, 
of whom one, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves. And 
they shall make a list of all the persons voted for, and of the number of votes for each ; 
which list they shall sign and certify, and transmit, sealed, to the seat of government of the 
United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in 
the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the 
votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest number of votes shall be the 
President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if 
there be more than one who have such majority, and have an equal number of votes, then 
the House of Representatives shall immediately choose by ballot, one of them for President; 
ami if no person have a majority, then, from the five highest on the list, the said House shall 
in like manner choose the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken 
by states, the representation from each State having one vote : a quorum for this purpose 
shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the 
States shall be necessary to a choice. In every case, after the choice of the President, the 
person having the greatest number of the votes of the electors, shall be the Vice-President. 
But if there should remain two or more who have equal votes, the Senate shall choose tic /in 
them, by ballot, the Vice-President. ( This clause is allogetht r altered and supplied by tin Xllth 

aim mini, lit. ) 

-1. Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and the day on which they 
shall give their voles, which day shall be the same throughout the United States. 

Who May Be Electa! Presidt nt. 

5. No person, except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the United States at the time 
of the adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the office of President ; neither shall 
any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the age of thirty-five 
years, and been fourteen yearsa resident within the United states. [See also as to tin Vice- 
President. Sec XII aim ii'tim nt, post.] 

In Case of Removal, etc., of flu President, His Pow< rs Devolvt Upon flu Vice-President, etc. 

6. In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death, resignation or ina- 
bility to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the same shall devolve on the 
Vice-President : and Gongress may, by law provide fur tin- case of removal, death, resigna- 
tion, or inability, both of the President and Vice-President, declaring what officer shall then 
act as President, and such officer shall act accordingly, until the disability be removed, or a 
President shall be elected. 

President's Compensation. 

7. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services a compensation which 
shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he shall "have been 
elected ; and he shall not receive, within that period, any other emolument from the United 
States or any of them. 

8. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the following oath or 
affirmation. 

7//.-' Oath. 

" I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the office of President of 
the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Con- 
stitution of the United States." 

Power and Duties <>/ flu President. 
Sect. II. 1. The President shall be Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the 
United States, and of the militia of the several States, when called into the actual service of 
tlie United States; he may require the opinion, in writing, of the principal officer in each of 
the executive departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices, 
and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons, for offences against the United 
States, except in cases of impeachment. 

Of Making Treaties. 
2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make trea- 
ties, provided two-thirds of the Senate present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and 



177 

with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, and other public 
Ministers, and Consuls, Judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the United 
States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be ee 
tablished by law. But Congress may, by law. vest the appointment of such inferior others 
as they think proper, in the President alone, in the courts of law, or In the heads of depart- 
ments. 

Power of Appointment. 

3. The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during (he 

recess of the Senate, by granting commissions which shall expire at the end of their next 

session. 

Farther Powers and Duties. 

Sect. III. He shall, from time to time, give to Congress information of the state of the 
Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary 
and expedient ; he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both Houses, or either of 
them ; and in case of disagreement between them, with respect to the time of adjournment, 
he may adjourn them to such a time as he shall think proper ; he shall receive ambassadors 
and other public ministers ; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and 
shall commission all the officers of the United States. [See 1 Crunch, 187.] 

Of Impeachment. 
Sect. IV. The President, Vice-President, and all civil officers of the United States, 
shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, or 
other high crimes and misdemeanors. 

ARTICLE III. 

OF THE JUDICIARY. 

Of the Judicial Power— Concerning the Judges. 
Section I. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Supreme 
Court, and in such inferior courts as Congress may, from time to time, ordain and establish. 
The judges, both of the Supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good 
behavior, and shall, at stated times, receive for their services a compensation, which shall 
nor lie diminished during their continuance in office. [Sec 7 Johns. Ch. R., SOS.] 

Ex'ent of the Judicial Power— This Clause Altered Postea—See Amendments, Art. XI. 

Sect. II. The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity, arising under 
this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, 
under their authority ; to all cases affecting ambassadors, or other public ministers ami o m- 
suls ; to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction ; to controversies to which the 
United States shall be a party ; to controversies between two or more States ; between a State 
and citizens of another state: between citizens of different States; between citizens of the 
same State, claiming lands under grants of different States, and between a. State, or the 
citizens thereof and foreign States, citizens or subjects. [See 2 Doll., 297 ; t; Wheat., 2G.'„ 1,05; 
2 Mazon, U72; 9 Wheat, 819.] 

Of Original and Appellate Jurisdiction of the Supremi Court. 

2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and those in 
which a State shall be a party, the Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction. In all 
other cases before mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to 
law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such regulations, as Congress shall make. [6 
Sergt. & E., 5U5 ; 1 Binn., 138.] 

Of Trials for Crimes. 

3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury ; and such 

trial shall be held in the State where the said crime shall have been committed ; but when 

not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as < longress may, 

by law, have directed. 

Of Treason. 

Sect. III. 1. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against 
them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be 
convicted of treason, unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on 
confession in open court, [i Cranch App., Note B., h70, 126.] 

2. Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but no attainder of 
treason shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except during the life of the person 
attainted. 



178 

ARTICLE IV. 

OF STATE RECORDS. 

Sect. I. Full faith and credit shall be given, in each State, to the public acts, records, 
and judicial proceedings of every other State. And Congress may, by general laws, pre- 
scribe the manner in which such acts, records and proceedings shall be proved, and the 
effect thereof. [See 7 Crunch, 1,81; 3 Wheat., 231,; 1 Peters, SI, 351; 6 Wheat., 129.] 

OF CITIZENSHIP. 

Sect. II. 1. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities 
of citizens in the several States.* [Sec U Johns. Ch. R., 1,30.] 
of fugitives from justice. 

2. A person charged in any State for treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from 
justice and be found in another State, shall, on demand of the executive authority of the 
State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of 
the crime. [See h Johns. Ch. R., 106.] 

of persons held to service. 

3. No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into 
another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such 
service or labor, but shall be delivered up, on the claim of the party to whom such service 
or labor may be due. [See 2 S. & R., 306 ; SS.&R.,U; 5 S. & R., 62.] 

of the admission of new states. 

Sect. III. 1. New States may be admitted by Congress into this Union ; but no new 
State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State, nor any State be 
formed by the junction of two or more States or parts of States, without the consent of the 
Legislatures of the States concerned, as well as of Congress. 

of territories. 

2. Congress shall have power to dispose of, and make all needful rules and regulations 
respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States ; and nothing in this 
Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or any 
particular State. 

OF THE STATE FORMS OF GOVERNMENT. 

Republican Form of Government Guaranteed to the Several States. 

Sect. IV. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a republican 
form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion ; and on application 
of the Legislature, or of the executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened), against 
domestic violence. 

ARTICLE V. 
OF amendments to the constitution. 

Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose 
amendments to this Constitution, or on the application of the Legislatures of two-thirds of 
the several States, shall call a Convention for proposing amendments, which in either case 
shall be valid, to all intent's and purposes, as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the 
Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three-fourths thereof, 
as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by Congress : Provided, That 
no amendment which may be made prior to the year eighteen hundred and eight, shall in 
any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article ; and 
that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate. 

ARTICLE VI. 

OF PUBLIC DEBT. 

Section I. All debts contracted, and engagements entered into, before the adoption of 
this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution asunder 
the confederation. 

of the supreme law of the land. 

Sect. II. This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in 
pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the 
United States, shall be the supreme law of the land ; and the judges in every State shall be 
bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwith- 
standirg. 



* Free negroes and mulattoes are not citizens within the meaning of the Constitution. 
[2 Lift.. 333.] 



179 



OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL OATH AND RELIGIOUS TEST. 

Sect. III. The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the members of the 
several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the United States • 
and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation, to support this Constitution; 
but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office of public trust 
under the United States. 

ARTICLE VII. 

RATIFICATION OF THE CONSTITUTION. 

The ratification of the Conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for the establish- 
ment of this Constitution, between the States so ratifying the same. [5 Wheat., '<::.] 

Done in the Convention, by the unanimous consent of the States present, the seven- 
teenth day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty- 
seven, and of the Independence of the United States of America the twelfth. 

In witness whereof, we have hereunto subscribed our names. 

GEO. WASHINGTON, President, 

And Deputy from Virginia. 



NEW HAMPSHIRE. 



John Langdon, 
Nicholas Gilman. 



MASSACHUSETTS. 
Nathaniel Gorman, 
Rufus King. 

CONNECTICUT. 
William Samuel Johnson, 
Rodger Sherman. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Benjamin Franklin, 
Thomas Mifflin, 
Robert Morris, 
George Clymer, 
Thomas Fitzsimons, 
Jared Ingersoll, 
James Wilson, 
Gouv. Morris. 

VIRGINIA. 

John Blair, 

James Madison, Jun. 



MARYLAND. 
Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer 
.James McHenry, 
Daniel Carroll. 



NEW JERSEY. 
William Livingston, 
David Brearly, 
William Patterson, 
Jonathan Dayton. 

NEW YORK. 
Alexander Hamilton. 

DELAWARE. 

George Reed, 
Gunning Bedford, Jun., 
John Dickinson, 
Richard Bassett, 
Jacob Broom. 

SOUTH CAROLINA. 

John Rutledge, 

Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, 

Charles Pinckney, 

Pierce Butleb. 

NORTH CAROLINA. 

William Blount, 
Richard Dobbs Spaight, 
Hugh Williamson. 



GEORGIA. 

William Baldwin. 
Abraham Few, 

Attest: William Jackson, Secretary. 



ISO 



AMENDMENTS. 

The following articles proposed by Congress, in addition to and amendments of the 
Constitution of the United States, having been ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths 
of the States, are become a part of the Constitution. 

ARTICLE I. 

First Congress, First Session, March 5th, 1789. 

Of the Right of Conscience, Freedom of the Press, etc. 

Congress shall make no law respecting the establishment of religion, or prohibiting the 

free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press ; or the right of 

the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances. 

[See 3 Yeates, 520.] 

ARTICLE II. 
Of the Right to Bear Arms. 
A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of 
the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. 

ARTICLE III. 
Of Quartering Troops. 
No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house without the consent of the 
owner ; nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. 

ARTICLE IV. 

Of the Right to be Secure from Search, etc. 

The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects, against 

unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated ; and no warrant shall issue but 

upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place 

to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. [3 Cranch., Ul*8, 1*53 ; 6 Binn., 316-1 

ARTICLE V. 
Of Indictments, Punishments, etc. 
No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless 
on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or 
naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger ; nor 
shall any person be subject, for the same offense, to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb ; 
nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself; nor be deprived 
of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, nor shall private property be taken 
for public use without just compensation. [IS Johns., 187, 201 ; 3 Yeates, 362; 6 Binn., 509; 
2Dall.,312; 2 Johns. Ch.R.,16U; 1S.&R.,3S2; 6 Cowcn, 530 ; 8 Wend., 85 ; 7 Pct.,21,3.} 

ARTICLE VI. 

Of Trial in Criminal Cases and the Rights of a Defendant. 
In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public 
trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been com- 
mitted, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed 
of the nature and cause of the accusation ; to be confronted with the witnesses against him ; 
to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance 
of counsel for his defense. 

ARTICLE VII. 
Of Trials in Civil Cases. 
In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the 
right of trial by jury shall be preserved ; and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise reex- 
amined in any court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law. 
[See 8 Wheat, 85, 67 U.] 



181 

ARTICLE VIII. 
Of linil and Fines. 
Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive flues imposed, nor cruel and unusual 
punishments inflicted. [See 20 Johns., 1,57 ; 3 Cowen,686.] 

ARTICLE IX. 

Of Eights Reserved. 

The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or 
disparage others, retained by the people. 

ARTICLE X. 
Of Powers Reserved to the States. 
The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it 
to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. [Sec 1 Wheat., 825.] 

ARTICLE XL 

Third Congress, Second Session, December 2d, 1793. 

Of the Judicial Poivcr—Sce Art. 3, Sec. 2. 

The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit, in 
law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States, by citizens of an- 
other State, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign State. [Sec 6 Wheat, h05 ; 1 Pet., 110; 
7 Pet., 627.] 

ARTICLE XII. 

Eighth Congress, First Session, October 17, 1803. 

Manner of Electing the President and Vice-President. 

The electors shall meet in their respective States,* and vote by ballot for President and 
Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with 
themselves ; they shall name, in their ballots, the person voted for as President, and in dis- 
tinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President ; and they shall make distinct lists of all 
persons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the 
number of votes for each ; which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit, sealed, f to 
the seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate ; the 
President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, 
open all the certificates,! and the votes shall then be counted ; the person having the great- 
est number of votes for President shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the 
whole number of electors appointed. And if no person have such a majority, then from the 
persons having the highest number, not exceeding three, on the list of those voted for as 
President, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President; 
but in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from 
each State having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or mem- 
bers from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a 
choice ; and if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President whenever the right 
of a choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then 
the Vice-President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other constitutional 
disability of the President. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-Presi- 
dent shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of elect- 
ors appointed ; and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the 
list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-President ; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of 
two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be 
necessary to a choice. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President, 
shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States. 

ARTICLE XIII. 

Slavery Prohibited— Thirteenth Amendment, Passed 1865. 

Section I. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, 
•whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or 
any place subject to their jurisdiction. 

Sect. II. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. 

* On the first Wednesday in December, by act of Congress, 1st March, 1702. 
t Before the first Wednesday in January, by act of Congress, 1st March, 1792. 
X On the second Wednesday in February, by the same act. 



182 

Fourteenth Amendment. 

Section I. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the juris- 
diction thereof are citizens of the United States, and of the State wherein they reside. No 
State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of 
citizens of the United States. Nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or 
property, without due process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the 
equal protection of the laws 

Sect. II. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States according to 
their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding 
Indians not taxed ; but whenever the right to vote at any election for electors of President 
and Vice-President, or for United States Representatives in Congress, executive and judicial 
officers, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants 
of such State, being twenty-one years of age and citizens of the United States, or in any way 
abridged, except for participation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of representation 
therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall 
bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State. 

Sect. III. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, elector of Presi- 
dent and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or 
under any State, who having previously taken an oath as a member of Congress, or as an 
officer of the United States, or as a member of any State Legislature, or as an executive or 
judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have en- 
gaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies 
thereof; but Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability. 

Sect. IV. The validity of the public debt of the United States authorized by law, in- 
cluding debts incurred for the payment of pensions and bounties for service in suppressing 
insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned, but neither the United States nor any 
State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion 
against the United States, or claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave, but all such 
debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void. 

Sect. V. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the pro- 
visions of this article. 

Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, Passed by the Fortieth Congress. 

Be it resolved, etc., Two-thirds of bote Houses concurring, that the following amendment 
to the Constitution of the United States be submitted to the Legislatures of the several 
States, and when ratified by three-fourths thereof, it shall be a part of said Constitution. 

ARTICLE XV. 

Section I. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or 
abridged by the United States, or by any State, on account of race, color, or previous con- 
ditions of servitude. 

Sect. II. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation 



183 



Origin, Settlement and Population of United States and 

Territories. 



State or Territory. 


Popular name. 


Set 
tied. 


Territory from which derived. 




Cotton 


1713 

1590 
1G85 
1769 
1540 
1033 
1027 
1660 
15f5 
1733 
1842 
1720 
1832 
1730 
1835 
1850 
1775 
1699 
1030 
1034 
1620 
1670 
1819 
1716 
1755 
1852 
1850 
1850 
1023 
1627 
1582 
1623 
1585 
1859 
1768 
1S89 
1811 
1648 
1036 
1562 
1859 
1765 
1690 
1847 
1763 
1607 
1845 
1607 
1745 
1S67 








Bought from Russia. 
New Mexico. 






New Albion, Upper California. 










North Virginia and New England. 










Maryland and Virginia. 

Florida Territory. 

North Virginia and New England. 

Idaho Territory. 

Northwest and Illinois Territory. 

Louisiana. 

Northwest and Indiana Territory. 

Dist. La , La. Ter., Mo., Mich , Wis Ter 


Florida 




Idaho 


Cracker 








Hoosier 






Dist. Louisiana and Kansas Territory. 
Virginia. 














New England, Laconia, Massachusetts. 




Old Line 

Bav 




North Virginia and New England. 
Northwest, Indiana and Michigan Ter. 
Dist. of Louisiana, Minnesota Territory. 








Gopher 










S'ubtoe 






Black-water 


Dist. of.Louisiana, Nebraska Territ ry. 

Upper California. 

North Virginia. Laconia, New England. 

New Netherlands. 

Mexico. 




aNcw York 




Empire 

Old North 




Albemarle Colony. 






Ohio 


Buckeye 


Northwest Territory. 








Dist. of Louisiana, Oregon Territory. 








aRhode Island 


Little Rhodv .... 


No. Va.. N. E., Aquiday, Prow, R. I. Plan. 












Kentucky Territory. 


Texas 






Utah 




Upper California. 




Green Mountain. 
Old Dominion 

Chinook 

Little Mountain.. 


New Netherlands, New Hampshire Grants. 




South Virginia. 




Washington Territory. 


West Virginia 


Siuth Virginia, Virginia. 

Dist. Louisiana. Illiuois Ter.. Michigan Ter. 






Wyoming Territory. 







a The thirteen original States, 



184 



State or Territory. 



Alabama 

Alaska Territory 

Arizona Territory 

Arkansas. 

California 

Colorado 

aConnecticut 

aDelaware 

District Columbia 

Florida 

aGeorgia 

Idaho 

Illinois 

Indian Territory 

Indiana 

Iowa 

Kansas 

Kentucky 

Louisiana 

dMaine 

aMaryland 

a Massachusetts 

Michigan 

Minnesota 

Mississippi 

Missouri 

Montana 

Nebraska 

Nevada 

aNew Hampshire 

aNew Jersey 

New Mexico Ter. .. 

aNew York 

aNorth Carolina 

North Dakota 

Ohio 

Oklahoma Territory. 

Oregon 

a Pennsylvania 

aRhode Island 

aSouth Carolina 

South Dakota 

Tennessee , 

Texas 

Utah 

Vermont 

aVirginia 

Washington 

West Virginia 

Wisconsin 

Wyoming 



By Whom Settled. 



Date of Admission or 
Ter. Organization. 



French. 



Spanish 

French , 

Spanish 

French 

Em. from Mass.. 
Swedes and Finns. 

English 

Spanish 

English 

Emigrants 

French 

Spanish 

French 

Em. fromN. E 

Em. from West. St. 
Em. from Virginia, 

French 

English 

English 

English Puritans.. 

French 

Em. fromN. E 

French 

French 

Em. from South.... 

Emigrants 

Em. from Cal 

English 

Dutch and Danes.. 

Spanish 

Dutch 

English 

Em. from Mid. St's. 

Em. fromN. E 

Emigrants 

Em. from N. Y 

Swedes 

English 

French 

Km. from Mid. St's 

Em. fromN. C 

Spanish 

Spanish 

Em. from Mass 

English 

Em. from Cal 

English 

French 

Em. from Mid. St's 



December 14, 
July 27, 

February 24, 
June 15, 

September 9, 



bPopulation at cPresent 
Time of Adm'n. Population. 



August 
January 9, 
December 7, 
July, 

March 3, 

January 2, 
July ' 3, 
December 3, 
June 30, 

December 11, 
December 28, 
January 29, 
June 
April 
March 
April 
February 
January 
May 

December 10, 
August 10, 
November 8, 
March 1, 

October 31, 
June 21, 

December 18, 
September 9, 
July 26, 

November 21, 
November 2, 
November 29, 
A] nil 22, 

February 14, 
December 12, 
May 29, 

May 23, 

November 2 
June 1 

December 29 
(Ter., Sept. 9 
I State, 
March 4 

June 25 

November 11 
June 19 

Mav 29 

July 10 



1819.... 
1808.... 
1863.... 
1836..., 

1850.... 
1876..., 
1788..., 
1787... 
1791... 
1845... 
1788... 
1890... 
1818... 
1834... 
1816... 
1846... 
1861... 
179?... 
1812 .. 
1820... 
1788... 
1788... 
1837... 

1858... 

1817... 

1821... 

1*89... 

1867... 

1864... 

1788... 

1787.., 

1850... 

1788... 

1789.... 

1889.... 

1802.... 

1889.... 

1859.... 

1787.... 

1790... 

1788... 

1889... 
,1796... 

1845.... 

1856 1 

1896 } 

1791.... 

17S8.... 

18S9... 

1863.... 
,1848.... 

1889.... 



127,901 



52,240 
92,597 
150,000 
237,496 
59,096 



58,680 
82,548 
84,229 
34,620 



63,805 

81,920 

107,206 

73,077 

76,566 

298,269 

319,728 

378,787 

212,267 

172,023 

75,512 

60,586 

131,769 

60,000 

40,000 

141,885 

184,139 



340,120 

393,751 

182,425 

41,915 



52,465 
434,373 

68,825 
249,033 
327,848 

77,202 
212,592 



85,339 
747,610 



442,014 

305,391 

60,589 



1,513,017 

38,000 

59,620 

1,128,179- 

1, -Jos, 130 

412,198 

746,258 

168,493 

230,392 

391,432 

1,837,353 

M,:;s5 

3,826,351 

345,000 

2,112,404 

1,911,896 

1,427,096 

1,858,635 

1,118,587 

660,086 

1,043,380 

2,238,943 

2,093,889 

1,301,826 

1,289,600 

2,679,184 

132,159 

1,058,910 

45,000 

376,530 

1,444,953 

153,593 

5,997,853 

1,617,947 

182,719 

3,672,316 

61,834 

313,767 

5.258,014 

345,506 

1,151,149 

328,808 

1,767,518 

2,235,523 

207,905 

332,422 

1,655^80 

349,390 

762,794 

1,680,880 

60,705 



The thirteen original States, b According to nearest census, c Census of 1890. 
a part of Massachusetts. 



d Previously 



POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES. 

AT EACH CENSUS FROM 1790 TO 1890. 
(Compiled from the Reports of the Superintendents of the Census.) 



States and 
Territories. 



Alabama 

Arizona 

Arkansas 

California 

Colorado 

Connecticut 

Dakota 

Delaware 

D. of Columbia 

Florida 

Georgia 

Idaho 

Illinois 

Indiana 

Iowa 

Kansas. 



Kentucky 

Louisiana 

^Maine 

Maryland 

Massachusetts 

Michigan 

Minnesota 

Mississippi 

Missouri 

Montana 

Nebraska., 

Nevada 

New Hampshire.. 

New Jersey 

New Mexico 

New York 

North Carolina. 

North Dakota 

.Ohio 

Oklahoma 

Oregon 

Pennsylvania 

Rhode Island 

South Carolina.... 

South Dakota 

Tennessee 

Texas 

Utah 

Vermont 

Virginia 

Washington 

West Virginia 

Wisconsin 

Wyoming 



1810. 



261,942 



72,674 
24,023 



1820. 



127,901 



14,255 



275,148 



72,749 
32,039 



252,4331 340,985 



12,282 
24,520 



406,511 
76,566 
*228,705 
380,546 
472,040 
4,762 



55,162 
147,178 



40,352 
20,845 



214,460 
245,562 



Total. 



959,049 

555,500 



230,760 



810,091 

76,931 

415,115 



261,727 



217,895 
974,600 



564,135 
152,923 
298,269 
407,350 
523,159 
8,765 



75,448 
66,557 



244,022 
277,426 



1,372,111 

638,829 



581,295 



1,047,507 

83,015 

502,741 



422,771 



235,966 
1.065,116 



1S30. 



309,527 

'" 30, 388 



297,675 



76,748 
39,834 
34,730 

516.823 



157,445 
.343,031 



687,917 
215,739 
399,455 
447,040 
610,408 
31,639 



136,621 
140,455 



269,32b 
320,823 



1,918,608 

737,987 



937,903 



1,348,233 
97,199 

581,185 



681,904 



280,652 
1,211,405 



7,239,881 9,633,822 12,866,020 17 069,453 

I 



590,756 
"97,574 



309,978 



78,085 
43,712 
54,477 
691,392 



476,183 

e„s5 n;i; 
43,112 



779,828 
352,411 
501,793 
470,019 
737,699 
212,267 



375,651 
383,702 



1850. 



771,623 



209,897 

92,597 



370,792 



91,532 

51,687 

87,445 

906,185 



851,470 
988,416 
192,214 



982,405 

517,762 
583,169 
583,034 
994,514 
397,654 
6,077 
606,526 
682,044 



284,574 
373,306 



2,428,921 
753,419 



1,519,467 



1,724,033 
108,830 
594,398 



829,210 



291,948 
1,239,797 



30,915 



317,976 

489,555 

61,547 

3,097,394 

869,039 



1,980,329 



13,294 
2,311,' 
147,545 
668,50 



1,002,717 

212,592 

11,380 

314,120 

1,421,661 



305,391 



23,191,876 



1860. 



964,201 



435,450 

379,994 

34,277 

460,147 

4,837 

112,216 

75,080 

140,424 

1,057,286 



1,711,951 

1,350,428 
674,913 
107,206 

1,155,684 
708,002 
628,279 
687,049 

1,231,066 
749,113 
172,023 
791,305 

1,182,012 



28,841 

6,857 

326,073 

672,035 

93,516 

3,880,735 

992,622 



2,339,511 



52,465 

2,906,215 

174,620 

703,708 



1,109,801 

604,215 

40,273 

315,098 

1,596,318 

11,594 



775.SS1 



31,443,321 



1870. 



996,992 

9,658 

484,471 

560,247 

39,864 

537,454 

14,181 

125,015 

131,700 

187,748 

1,184,109 

14,999 

2,539,891 

1,680,637 

1,194,020 

364,399 

1,321,011 

726,915 

626,915 

780,894 

1,457,351 

1,184,059 

439,706 

827,922 

1,721,295 

20,595 

122,993 

42,491 

318,300 

906,096 

91,874 

4,382,759 

X,071,361 



2,665,260 



90,923 

3,521,951 

217,353 

705.606 



1,262,595 

40,440 

802.525 

864,694 

194,327 

622,700 

135,177 

146,608 

177,624 

269,493 

1,542,180 

32,610 

3,077,871 

1,978,301 

1,624,615 

996,091' 

1,648,690 

939,946 

648,936 

934,943 

1,783,085 

1,636,937 

780,773 

1,131,597 

2,168,380 

39,159 

452,402 

62,266 

346,991 

1,131,116 

119,565 

5,082,871 

1,399,750 



3,198,062 



174,768 

4,282,891 
276,531 

995,57 



1,258,520, 

818,579! 

86,786! 

330,551' 

1,225,163 i 

23,955 

412,011 

1,054,670 

9,118 



1,542,359 

1,591,749 

143,963 

332,286 

1,512,565 

75,116 

618,457 

1,315,497 

20,789 



38,558,371 50,155,783 



1890. 



1,513,017 

59,620 

1,128,179 

1,208,130 

419,198 

746,258 



168,493 

230,392 

391,422 
1,837,353 
84,38-i 
3,826,351 
2,192,404 
1,911,896 
1,427,096 
1,858,635 
1,118,587 

661,086 
1,042,390 
2,238,943 
2,093,889 
1,301,826 
1,289,600 
2,679,184 

132,159 

1,058,910 

45,761 

376,530 
1,444,933 

153,593 
5,997,853 
1,617,947 

182,719 

3,672,316 

61,834 

313,767 
5,258,014 

345,506 
1,151,149 

328,808 
1,767,518 
2,235,523 

207,905 

332,422 
1,655,980 

349,390 

762,704 

1,686,880 

60,705 



62,622,250 



186 

The inhabitants of Alaska and the Indian Territory are not included in 
the above. The population of Alaska, in 1890, was 30,329 ; of the Indian 
Territory, 179,321. Total population of the United States in 1890, 62,831,900. 

Population : Census OF 1790. — Connecticut, 237,916 ; Delaware, 59,096 ; 
Georgia, 82,548; Kentucky, 73,677; Maine,* 96,540 ; Maryland, 319,728 ; 
Massachusetts, 378,787; New Hampshire, 141,885; New Jersey, 184,139; 
New York, 393,751; Pennsylvania, 434,373; Rhode Island, 68,825; South 
Carolina, 249,072 ; Tennessee, 35,691 ; Vermont, 85,425 ; Virginia, 747,610. 
Total U. S., 3,589,063. 

Population : Census of 1800. — Connecticut, 251,002 ; Delaware, 64,273 ; 
District of Columbia, 14,093 ; Georgia, 162,686; Indiana, 5,641 ; Kentucky, 
220,955; Maine,* 151,719 ; Maryland, 341,548 ; Massachusetts, 422,845 ; Mis- 
sissippi, 8,850 ; New Hampshire, 183,858; New Jersey, 211,149 ; New York, 
589,051 ; North Carolina, 478,103 ; Ohio, 45,365 ; Pennsylvania, 602,365 ; 
Rhode Island, 69,122; South Carolina, 345,591 ; Tennessee, 105,602 ; Vermont,. 
154,465 ; Virginia, 880,200; Total, U. S., 5,308,483. 



Population Prior to 1790 (according to Bancroft): 1688, 200,000: 
1714,434,600; 1727,580,000; 1750,1,260,000; [754,1,425,000; 1760, 1,695,000; 
1770, 2,312,000 ; 1780, 2,945,000 (2,383,000 white, 562,000 colored). 



WHITE AND NEGRO POPULATION OF THE SOUTH. 

The following shows the growth of the population by decades in the 
territory now covered by the sixteen Southern States — Alabama, Arkansas* 
Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, 
Missouri, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia and 
West Virginia, and the District of Columbia : 

In 1790, the white population was 1,271,488; 1800, 1,702,980; 1810, 
2,208,785; 1820,2,831,560; 1830,3,660,758; 1840,4,632,530; 1850,6,222,418; 
i860, 8,097,462 ; 1870, 9.466,353 ; 1880, 12,578,253 ; 1890, 15,549-358. 

In 1790, the colored population was 689,884 ; 1800, 918,336 ; 1810, 1,272,- 
119; 1820, 1,653,240; 1830, 2,187,545; 1840, 2,701,901; 1850, 3,442,238; 
i860, 4,215,614 ; 1S70, 4,538,883 ; 1880, 6,099,253 ; 1890, 6,898,806. 

From the above it will be seen that in the above Southern States and 
the District of Columbia the colored population increased from 1880 to 1890, 
at the rate of 13. 1 percent., and the white at the rate of 23. 6 per cent. 
* Maine was a part of Massachusetts until its admission into the Union in 1820. 



187 



POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES ACCORDING TO 
NATIONALITY. 

(Compiled from the reports of the census of 1890.) 



States 

and 

Territories. 



Alabama 

Arizona 

Arkansas 

California 

Colorado 

Connecticut 

Delaware 

]>ist. of Columbia 



Florida 

Georgia 

Idaho 

Illinois 

Indiana 

Iowa 

Kansas 

Kentucky 

Louisiana 

Maine 

Maryland 

Massachusetts .... 

Michigan 

Minnesota 

Mississippi 

Missouri 

Montana 

Nebraska 

Nevada 

New Hampshire.. 

New Jersey 

New Mexico 

New York 

North Carolina ... 

North Dakota 

Ohio 

Oklahoma 

Oregon 

Pennsylvania 

Rhode Island 

South Carolina ... 

South Dakota 

Tennessee 

Texas 

Utah 

Vermont 

Virginia 

Washington 

West Virginia 

Wisconsin 

Wyoming 



German 
Born. 



3,945 
1,188 
6,225 
61,472 

15,151 

28,176 

2,469 

5,778 

1,855 

3,679 

1,939 

338,382 

84,900 

127.241'. 

46,423 

32,620 

14,625 

1.104 

52.436 

28,034 

135,509 

116,955 

2,284 

125,461 

5,609 

72.61S 

1,563 

1,631 

106,181 

1,413 

498,602 

1,077 

8,943 

235,668 

739 

12,475 

230,516 

3,200 

2,502 

18.1S8 

5,361 

48,843 

2,121 

877 

4,361 

15 399 

7,292 

259,819 

2,037 



Irish 
Born. 



2,604 

1,171 

2,021 

63,138 

12,352 

77,880 

6,121 

7.221 

1,056 

3,374 

1,917 

124,498 

20,819 

37,353 

15,870 

13,920 

9,236 

11,444 

18,735 

259,902 

39,065 

28,011 

1,865 

40,966 

6,648 

15,963 

2,646 

14,890 

101,059 

966 

483,375 

451 

2.967 

70,127 

829 

4,891 

243.S36 

38,920 

1,665 

4,774 

5.016 

8,201 

2.045 

9,810 

4,578 

7,799 

4,799 

33,306 

1,900 



English 
Born.* 



2,945 

1,117 

1,570 

35,503 

14,407 

20,575 

1,917 

2,128 

2,765 

1,585 

3,138 

70,510 

11.200 

26.228 

18,086 

4,162 

2,457 

7,286 

5,591 

76 513 

55,388 

14,745 

887 

18,675 

6,481 

14,472 

2,149 

4,763 

43,785 

1,258 

144,422 

. 882 

3,321 

51,027 

290 

5,679 

125,145 

20,913 

597 

5.113 

2,857 

9,443 

20,905 

3,519 

3,355 

9,857 

2,700 

23,633 

3,148 





British- 


Scandi- 


Russian 




Scotch 


Ameri- 


and 


French 


Born. 


can 


Born. 


Polish 


Born. 




Born. 


Born. 




1,391 


620 


412 


328 


592 


318 


732 


407 


66 


296 


430 


947 


518 


364 


428 


9,299 


26,028 


22,389 


4,054 


11,855 


4,339 


9,142 


12,202 


1,578 


1,328 


5,992 


21,231 


12,018 


4,531 


2,048 


432 


309 


301 


534 


183 


578 


655 


270 


309 


3S5 


570 


1,151 


813 


148 


275 


619 


609 


340 


320 


306 


643 


1,791 


3,506 


128 


178 


20,405 


39,525 


128,897 


37,285 


8,540 


2,948 


4,954 


5,515 


3,690 


3,297 


7,701 


17,465 


72,873 


1,235 


2,327 


5,546 


11,874 


22,018 


10,195 


2,236 


1,010 


1,173 


396 


566 


1,168 


465 


762 


696 


445 


8,437 


2,285 


52,076 


2,711 


474 


441 


2,323 


1,020 


599 


6,055 


623 


21,909 


207,601 


22,655 


10,666 


3,273 


12,068 


181,416 


41,496 


27,558 


5,182 


5,315 


43,580 


215,215 


14,736 


1,869 


203 


345 


449 


194 


449 


4,601 


8,525 


7,461 


4,065 


4,175 


1,588 


9,040 


6,411 


812 


478 


3,839 


12,105 


46,341 


7,786 


1,256 


360 


1,662 


715 


78 


226 


1,906 


46,321 


1,525 


218 


222 


13,163 


4,698 


8,467 


8,935 


4,714 


436 


681 


245 


97 


284 


35,332 


93,193 


43,270 


81,184 


20,443 


3*1 


355 


90 


97 


55 


1,788 


23,045 


34,216 


4,335 


203 


10,275 


16,515 


4,209 


10,513 


7,171 


118 


420 


211 


61 


82 


2,242 


6,460 


7,333 


2,679 


842 


32 081 


12,171 


23,594 


42,506 


90,033 


4,984 


27,934 


3,831 


864 


460 


293 


159 


119 


241 


138 


1,579 


9,493 


31,372 


12,674 


350 


704 


1,020 


465 


645 


490 


2,172 


2,866 


4,768 


2,568 


2,730 


3,474 


1 ,222 


16,863 


310 


205 


1,730 


25,004 


966 


212 


175 


1,034 


780 


425 


474 


331 


3,514 


17,412 


21,413 


2,327 


1,046 


914 


374 


123 


195 


213 


5,494 


33,163 


99,738 


19,939 


2,909 


1,380 


1,134 


2,382 


812 


127 


242,231 


980,938 


933,249 


330,084 


113,174 



Born. 



322 

207 

187 

15,495 

3,882 

5,285 
459 
467 
408 
159 
509' 

8,035 
46S- 
399 
616 
707 

7,767 
253- 

1,416 

8,006 

3,088 
828 
425 

2,416 
734 
717 

1,129 

312 

12,989 

355 

64,141 

28 

21 

3,857 

11 

589' 

24,662 

2,468 
106 
269 
788 

2,107 
347 
445 

1,219 

1,408 
632 

1,123 
259 



* Includes natives of Great Britain not specified. 

The following are the total number of foreign born inhabitants in the United States, ac- 
cording to nationality: From Germany, 2,784,894; Ireland, 1,871,509; British America in- 
cluding Newfoundland, 980,938; England, 909,092; Sweden, 478.041; Norwav, 322,665 ; Scot- 
land, 242,231; Russia, 182,644; Italv. 182,580; Poland. 147,440; Denmark, 132,543; Austria. 
123,271; Bohemia, 118,106; France, 113,174; China, 106,688 ; Switzerland, 104.069; Wales, 103,- 
079; Netherlands, 81,828; Mexico, 77,853; Hungary, 62,435 ; Belgium and Luxembourg, 25,521 ; 
Cuba and West Indies, 23,256; Portugal, 15,996; Central and South America, 6,198; Spain, 
6,185; India, including Asia, not specified, 4,403; Japan, 2,292; Greece, 1,887; all others, 41,- 
729. Total foreign born, 9,249,547. 

The number of persons in the United States of foreign parentage (1890) is 20,670.046, being 
33.02 per cent, of the population. The percentage in 1880 was 29.75 ; in 1870 was 28.25. The 
total number of foreign born and born of foreign parentage, 29,925,593. Total number of 
native born and born of native parentage, 32,696,657. 

Percentage of increase of foreign born inhabitants from 1880 to 1890, specified according 
to nationality: Hungarians, 441.7; Russians, 411.3: Italians, 312.8; Austrians, 218.8; Poles, 
203.6; Swedes, 146.0; Danes, 106.4; Portuguese, 96.5; Norwegians, 77.5; Belgians, 45.7 ; Scotch, 
42.3; Cubans and West Indians, 41.8; Germans, 41.6; Dutch, 40.8: Bohemians. 38.3; British- 
Americans, 36.7; English, 36.8: Spaniards, 20.7; Welsh, 20.1; Swiss, 17.4; Mexicans, 13.8; 
6outh Americans, 9.6 : French, 5 8 ; Chinese, 2.1 : Irish, 0.9. 



188 



POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES. 

(Compiled from the Census Report of 1890.) 
NUMBER OF DWELLINGS AND FAMILIES IN EACH OF THE STATES. 



States and 
Territories. 



Alabama 

Arizona 

Arkansas 

California 

Colorado 

Connecticut 

Delaware 

Dist. of Col. 

Florida 

Georgia 

Idaho 

Illinois 

Indiana , 

Iowa 

Kansas 

Kentucky 

Louisiana 

Maine 

Maryland 

Massachusetts 

Michigan 

Minnesota 

Mississippi 

.Missouri 

Montana 

Nebraska 



B 9 



fe5« 



281,602 

13,338 

209,190 

235,925 

81,127 

130,779 

33,882 

38,798 

78,816 

342,871 

17,852 

669,812 

452,013 

379,318 

292,086 

335,990 

204,341 

135,255 

181,201 

355,280 

434 370 

229,678 

235,656 

485,320 

26,934 

201,470 






5.37 

4.17 

5.39 

5.12 

5.08 

5.71 

4.97 

5.94 

t.97 

5.36 

4.73 

5.71 

4.85 

5.04 

4.89 

5.53 

5.47 

4.S9 

5.66 

6.30 

4.82 

5.67 

5.4 

5.52 

4.91 

5.26 



S2i 

is 



287,292 

13,495 

213,620 

245,710 

84,276 

165,890 

34,578 

43,967 

80,059 

352,059 

18,113 

778,015 

467,146 

388,517 

297,358 

354,463 

214,123 

150,355 

202.179 

479,790 

455,004 

247.975 

241,148 

528,295 

27,501 

206,820 



5.27 
4.42 
5.28 
4.92 
4.89 
4.50 i 
4.87 
5.24 
4.89 
5.221 
4.66 

4.92: 

4.09| 
4.92! 
4.80 
5.21 
5.22 
4.40l 
5.10 
4.67 
4.60 
5.25 
5.35 
5.07 
4.81 
5 12 



States and 
Territories. 



Nevada 

N. Hampshire. 

New Jersey 

New Mexico- 
New York 

N'rth Carolina 
North Dakota.. 

Ohio 

Oklahoma.. 

Oregon 

Pennsylvania.. 
Rhode Island.. 
S'thCaro iua... 
South Dakota . 

Teunessee 

Texas 

Utah 

Vermont 

Virginia 

Washington ... 
West Virginia. 

Wisconsin 

Wyoming 



£P 



Total . 



10,066 

76,665 
247,342 

34,671 
89.S,593 
301,571 

37,918 
720,414 

14,942 

61,925 
999,364 

1*2,250 
217,195 

68,894 
323,136 
402,422 

37,285 

69.817 
292J654 

68,833 
136,378 
3l6,163 

11,880 



Ji- 



ll, 183,318 



4.55 
4.91 

5.84 
4.43 
6.70 

5.37 
4.82 
5.10 
4.14 
5.07 
5.26 
6.51 
5.30: 
4.771 
5.47| 
5.56 
5.58 
4.76 
5.66 
5.08 
5.59 
5.34 
5.11 



5.45 



10,170 

87,348 
308,339 

35,504 

1,308,015 

306,952 

38,478 
785,291 

15,0 « 

63,791 
l,0(.il,(i2ii 

75,010 
222,941 

70,250 
334,194 
411,251 

38,815 

75,896 
304,673 

70,977 
140,359 
335,456 

12,065 



4.50 
4.31 
4.69 
4.33 
4.59 
5.27 
4.75 
4.68 
4.11 
4.92 
4.95 
4.61 
5.16 
4.68 
5.29 
5.44 
5.36 
4.38 
5.44 
4.92 
5.43 
5.03 
5.03 



12,690,152 4.93 



189 



NATIONALITY OF INHABITANTS OF LARGEST CITIES-1890. 



Cities. 



03.§>p 



New York 639,943 

Chicago, III 450,666 

Philadelphia, Pa 269,480 

Brooklyn, N. Y 261,700 

St. Louis, Mo 114,876 

Boston, Mass 158,172 

Baltimore, Md 00,003 

San Francisco, Cal 126,811 

Cincinnati, O 71,408 

Cleveland, O 97,09, r 

Buffalo, N. Y I 89,485 

New Orleans, La 34,309 

1'ittsburg, Pa ; 73,289 

Washington, D. C 18,770 

Detroit, Mich I 81,709 

Milwaukee, Wis I 79,576 

Newark, N. J I 55,571 

Minneapolis, Minn ' 00,558 

Jersey City, N. J [ 53,358 

Louisville, Ky : 23,510 



M a 



- 



48 



New York 

Chicago, 111 

Philadelphia, Pa 

Brooklyn, N. V 

St. Louis, Mo 

Boston, Mass 

Baltimore, Md 

San Francisco, Cal 

Cincinnati, O 

Cleveland, O 

Buffalo, N. Y 

New Orleans, La 

Pittsburg, Pa \ 2 

Washington, L>. C 

Detroit, Mich 

Milwaukee, Wis 

Newark, N. J 

Minneapolis, Minn 

Jersey City, N. J 

Louisville, Kv... 



8,398 
24,297 

2,584 

5,897 

2,008 

38,294 

521 

4,371 
945 

5,157 

10,610 

346 

630 

655 

18,791 

1,249 
529 

7, 
922 
390 



a c 



1° ''22 

L818 

1,354 

66E 

255 

188 

163 

167 

120 

3,210 

80 

25 

794 

41 

112 

197 

430 

269 

78 

13 



190,418 

70,028 

110,935 

84,738 

24,270 

71,441 

13 389 

30,718 

12,323 

13,512 

11,664 

7,923 

21,100 

7,224 

7,447 

3.436 

13,234 

3,756 

22,159 

5,263 



ma 



8,099 

25,105 

189 

143 

2,301 

104 

1,368 

82 

28 

10.2S7 

15 

9 

95 

10 

513 

1,460 

69 

393 

11 

7 




6,759 


1,575 


24,080 


21,835 


2,189 


1,500 


1,887 


4,873 


875 


134 


954 


801 


935 


139 


501 


1,396 


227 


9 


2,848 


129 


8,879 


132 


36 


63 


2,750 


31 


65 


70 


5.351 


77 


9,222 


1,821 


463 


39 


381 


12.G24 


1,206 


316 


126 


95 



72 


162 


341 


106 


1,542 


195 


44 



190 

REQUIREMENTS REGARDING THE REGISTRATION OF 

VOTERS. 

The registration of voters is required in the States of Alabama, Califor- 
nia, Colorado, Connecticut, Florida, Idaho, Illinois, Louisiana, Maryland, 
Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Montana, Mississippi, Nevada, New 
Hampshire, New Jersey, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, South Caro- 
lina, Vermont, Virginia and Wyoming, and the Territories of Arizona, New 
Mexico and Utah. 

In Georgia, registration is required in some counties by local law. 

In Kentucky, registration is required in cities ; in Kansas, in cities of 
the first and second class ; in Iowa and Nebraska, in cities of and over 2,500 
inhabitants ; in North Dakota, in cities of over 3,000 inhabitants ; in Ohio, 
in cities of not less than 9,000 inhabitants ; in Maine, in all cities and in 
towns having 500 or more voters ; in South Dakota, in cities and towns hav- 
ing over 1,000 voters and in counties where registration has been adopted by 
popular vote, and in Tennessee, in all counties having 50,000 inhabitants 
and over. 

In Missouri, it is required in cities of 100,000 inhabitants, and in Wis- 
consin, in cities having 3,000 inhabitants and over. In New York, it is re- 
quired in all cities and in all incorporated villages of over 7,000 inhabitants. 
In Rhode Island, non-taxpayers are required to register yearly before De- 
cember 31st. In Texas, cities of 10,000 or over may require registration. 

The registration of voters is not required in the State of Oregon. It is 
prohibited in Arkansas and West Virginia by constitutional provision. 



WOMAN SUFFRAGE. 

The Legislatures of Connecticut and New York, in their sessions of 1893, 
passed laws permitting women to vote for school officers. The privilege 
was used to a limited extend in both States, but in the November election a 
Supreme Court Judge in New York decided that the act of that State was 
unconstitutional. Notwithstanding this, the Attorney-General of the State 
advised all election officers to treat the law as constitutional until the ques- 
tion could be adjudicated by the highest tribunal. The Iowa and Ohio 
Legislatures in 1894, granted suffrage in school elections to women. 

In the New York State Convention in 1894, to revise the Constitution, a 
woman suffrage amendment was defeated by a vote of 97 to 58. 

The Michigan Legislature of 1893, adopted a law authorizing women to 
vote at municipal elections. In October the Supreme Court of the State de- 
clared the law unconstitutional. 

In Wyoming, women have full suffrage and vote for all officers, includ- 
ing Presidential electors. The woman suffrage law was adopted in 1870. 

In the State election in Colorado in 1893, the people voted in favor of 
general woman suffrage. 

In Kansas, women exercise the suffrage largely in municipal elections. 
In November, 1894, the people voted upon a constitutional amendment pro- 
viding for woman suffrage. 

Women formerly voted in the Territory of Washington, and until they 
were excluded by a decision of the Territorial Supreme Court. In adopting 



191 

a State Constitution, the question of allowing women to use the ballot was 
submitted to a separate vote of the electors, and was defeated. Women 
voted in the Territory of Utah until excluded by the Edmunds law. 

But in some form, mainly as to taxation or the selection of school offi- 
cers, woman suffrage exists in a limited way in Arizona, Colorado, Delaware, 
Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minne- 
sota, Montana, Nebraska, New Hampshire, New Jersey, North Dakota, 
Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, South Dakota, Texas, Vermont, Washington and 
Wisconsin. 

In many European countries, in Australia and New Zealand, in Cape 
Colony, in Canada, and in parts of India, women vote on various terms for 
municipal or school officers. 



THE BALLOT REFORM MOVEMENT. 

The following is a list of the States and Territories which have adopted 
new ballot laws, based more or less on the Australian system : 

1888 — Kentucky (applying only to Louisville), Massachusetts. 

1889 — Connecticut, Indiana, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Montana, 
Rhode Island, Tennessee, Wisconsin. 

1890 — Maryland (applying to Baltimore), New Jersey, New York, Okla- 
homa, Vermont, Washington, Wyoming. 

1891 — Arkansas, California, Delaware, Idaho, Illinois, Maine, Nebraska, 
New Hampshire, North Dakota, Ohio, Pennsylvania, South Dakota, Oregon, 
West Virginia, Colorado. 

1892 — Iowa, Maryland (whole State), Mississippi. 

1893 — Alabama, Kansas, Kentucky, Nevada, Texas, and in Florida for 
the city of Jacksonville. 

1894 — Virginia. 

The only States in which some form of reformed balloting does not yet 
exist are : Georgia, Louisiana, North Carolina, South Carolina. 

FORM OF BAUDOT. 

The distinctive feature of the ballot practice in New South Wales is that 
the names of all the candidates being on one ticket, the names of persons 
for whom the voter does not wish to vote must be crossed off, a blue lead 
pencil being provided for the purpose by the authorities, while there are 
clearly printed on the ticket, in red ink, directions as to how many candi- 
dates must be voted for. 

Under the New York and New Jersey laws each party ticket is printed 
on a separate ballot. For straight voting, therefore, no marking is required. 
For the benefit mainly of the illiterate or blind, as claimed, the paster ballot 
is permitted in New York. 

In all the other States which have adopted the reform system of voting, 
the single or "blanket" ballot is used. All the names in nomination are 
printed on one sheet, the voter's choice to be indicated by marking. There 
are two methods used of grouping the names of the candidates. The Aus- 
tralian plan arranges the titles of the offices alphabetically, the names of the 
candidates, and usually their party connection being attached. 



192 

The States which follow this plan with more or less variation ill the form 
but preserving the feature of alphabetical arrangement of titles of offices to 
be voted for, are California, Kentucky, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Montana, 
Nebraska, New Hampshire, Oregon, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Vermont, 
Virginia, Washington and Wyoming. 

The other form groups all names and offices by parties. The voter of a 
straight ticket marks a cross in the circle at the head of his ticket. The 
voter who scatters, marks squares opposite the names of all the candidates 
on the tickets. 

The States and Territories which use this plan, with or without imma- 
terial variations, are Delaware, Illinois, Indiana, Kansas, Maine, Maryland. 
Missouri, Ohio, Wisconsin and Oklahoma. 















































































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